Showing posts with label core symptoms. Show all posts
Showing posts with label core symptoms. Show all posts

Wednesday, 19 June 2019

Mindfulness for ADHD systematically reviewed

"According to presented descriptive results, all the studies (100%) showed improvement of ADHD [attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder] symptoms."

That was the standout sentence derived from the findings reported by Hélène Poissant and colleagues [1] who looked at "the available literature concerning MBIs [mindfulness-based interventions] in adult participants with ADHD." Mindfulness by the way, is described as a way of "reconnecting with our bodies and the sensations they experience" with a specific focus on "an awareness of our thoughts and feelings as they happen moment to moment." I'm no expert on mindfulness or mindfulness-based interventions but, from what I gather, the core of such intervention(s) is based around "somatically focused meditative techniques (body scan, sitting meditation, and mindful yoga) that are thought to help participants cultivate nonjudgmental, mindful awareness of present-moment experience." 'Focusing in on the present' seems to be the phrase that springs to mind.

Poissant et al examined the relevant peer-reviewed science on the application of the MBIs to ADHD upto June 2018. They specifically focused on adults with ADHD, and were able to track down "13 studies conducted with 753 adults (mean age of 35.1 years)" for inclusion in their systematic review. They observed that: "All the studies (100%) showed improvement of ADHD symptoms following an MBI." They also mentioned that: "mindfulness meditation training improves some aspects of executive function and emotion dysregulation" as per the findings of some of those studies.

Despite the '100% of studies showing improvement in ADHD symptoms' sentiments, I'm not falling hook, line and sinker for the value of MBIs in relation to ADHD. The main reason is the high risk of bias identified in quite a few of the studies reviewed by Poissant, related to things like performance bias ("blinding of participants and of personnel") and selection bias ("allocation concealment" and "selection bias"). One could argue that the examination of something like MBIs under research conditions is never going to be perfect. Unlike scientific investigation of a medicine, where a placebo can be formulated to look, smell and taste the same, it would be difficult to come up with something to approximate MBI and indeed, approximate what the 'active ingredient' of mindfulness actually is. Similar issues have been talked about on other occasions on this blog (see here).

That all being said, there is something appealing about MBIs both in terms of effect and also the fact that it can be learned by pretty much anyone, is cost-free and probably about as side-effect free as one could get. If such a simple technique helps with any one of the symptoms of ADHD and improves quality of life for those with ADHD, it's got to be something to be considered alongside the myriad of other possible interventions (see here and see here and see here) that *might* offset the risks that follow a diagnosis of ADHD (see here).

Oh, and it appears that mindfulness and ADHD is a topic in the ascendancy [2]...

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[1] Poissant H. et al. Behavioral and Cognitive Impacts of Mindfulness-Based Interventions on Adults with Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder: A Systematic Review. Behav Neurol. 2019;2019:5682050.

[2] Xue J. et al. A meta-analytic investigation of the impact of mindfulness-based interventions on ADHD symptoms. Medicine (Baltimore). 2019 Jun;98(23):e15957.

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Wednesday, 5 June 2019

"specific clinical and neuropsychological dimensions might be related to suicidal behaviors in ASD"

The quote titling this post - "specific clinical and neuropsychological dimensions might be related to suicidal behaviors in ASD [autism spectrum disorder]" - comes from the findings reported by Luisa Weiner and colleagues [1] (open-access). It adds to other recent research talking about how elements of autism *might* associate with suicidality (see here). I should warn you that some of the Weiner findings make for difficult reading.

Authors described a case report of "a 21-year-old male [Mr A] with ASD who attempted suicide twice, in the absence of other psychiatric diagnoses." They detail how, following some quite comprehensive observations, a possible *connection* was noted between his suicidality and "some of the core clinical and neuropsychological features of ASD."

A few important points are highlighted in the Weiner study: "Mr. A. reported that his suicidal thoughts started when he was 18, following an unrequited infatuation with a classmate – the result of a rational decision: he had decided to “fall in love” with her." Things did not however go as he planned, as we are told that: "He started having “obsessive negative thoughts”, and attempted suicide by jumping from a window." He survived but "his suicidal thoughts lingered, characterized by a restrictive, rigid pattern."

Researchers relied on the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) to rule out depression in this case: his score "was in the normal range (3/63)." This inventory is one of a few that have been described as being "robust in their measurement properties in the general population" [2] but with perhaps more to do in the context of its use in autism. In the absence of depression or rather elevated self-report scores indicative of depression, authors suggest this raises "the question of whether the persistence of suicidal thoughts was associated with ASD-related features."

The Weiner findings have to be placed in the context of other independent research looking at suicidality and autism. First, risk of suicidality is seemingly heightened when autism is diagnosed (see here). Second, although depression - an important variable *linked* to suicidality - is over-represented in relation to autism (see here), questions are still being asked about the impact of depression in relation to suicidality accompanying autism in the context of an often complicated clinical picture (see here). Third, the idea that the features/traits of autism might themselves be independent predictors of suicidality in autism has been discussed on several research occasions (see here and see here and see here).

The culmination of all this work is that quite a lot more research and clinical resources need to be ploughed into looking at suicidality and autism. And, importantly, translating said research into real-world actions to potentially save lives.

If you need someone to talk to, there are organisations out there...

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[1] Weiner L. et al. A case study of suicidality presenting as a restricted interest in autism Spectrum disorder. BMC Psychiatry. 2019; 19: 126.

[2] Cassidy SA. et al. Measurement properties of tools used to assess depression in adults with and without autism spectrum conditions: A systematic review. Autism Res. 2018 May;11(5):738-754.

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Monday, 1 April 2019

"to [try and] advance the understanding of potential mechanisms underlying insomnia in adults with ASD"

The paper by Vanessa Hohn and colleagues [1] (open-access available here) provides the blogging fodder today and their findings in relation to the presence of insomnia as a "common source of distress in adults with autism spectrum disorder (ASD)."

Insomnia is essentially a regular problem in getting to sleep. It has a myriad of 'causes' ranging from uncomfortable sleeping conditions (bed, noise, temperature) to the influence of things like stress, depression and anxiety. Insomnia is no joke. Outside of the potential wide-ranging effects on physical and mental health [2] it puts a person at some heightened risk of all-manner of adverse outcomes [3].

As part of a suite of sleeping-related problems, insomnia is also no stranger to diagnostic labels like autism. With autism in mind, sleep problems that begin in childhood are pretty likely to carry over to adulthood. Nobody knows the precise reason(s) why those on the autism spectrum are more likely to experience sleep problems including insomnia. Some have speculated that the presence of autistic traits may be a risk factor for such sleeping issues (see here) but there is currently little detail regarding the bridge from core autism features to sleep problems. Others have observed an *association* between the presence of other somatic issues occurring alongside autism and sleep problems (see here and see here) but again, further clarity is needed on the hows-and-whys of any relationship and, importantly, what can be done to alleviate such issues.

Hohn et al started with the premise that: "Two characteristics of ASD could be relevant to insomnia complaints by hampering the entrainment of a circadian sleep-wake rhythm." They specifically talk about examining the link between sensory responsiveness and social skills in the context of insomnia in adults with ASD.

"Data were obtained from the Netherlands Autism Register (NAR), which is a longitudinal register including approximately 2000 individuals with ASD." Some 630 participants with autism were included for study, where "individual responses given to three measures of interest during an online survey in 2015 were analyzed." Those 'measures' were the Insomnia Severity Index (ISI), the Sensory Perception Quotient and the Autism Spectrum Quotient-28. The combined data were analysed.

Results: bearing in mind that this was a study exclusively including self-report from participants with autism - with no non-autistic control group - and one that relied on a single temporal snapshot of insomnia symptoms, one has to be a little careful with the findings. So: "The mean ISI score in the present sample was 9.50 (SD = 6.01), which is indicative of subthreshold insomnia and higher than means reported for the general population ranging between 1 and 7... but lower than values obtained from insomnia patients ranging between 17 and 20." Further, about half of participants scored in the "absence of insomnia" category with only around 20% of the group recording either moderate or severe insomnia. This tells us that, again according to self-report (and not using actigraphy for example), insomnia was not necessarily a widespread issue in this cohort but present in a not-significant number: about 1 in 5 people.

Next: "Primary analyses revealed that each of the covariates had a significant impact on the ISI total score." What this means is that biological sex, gender and medication use potentially played a role in insomnia. Women participating in the study tended to score higher on the ISI than men, and those aged 45-65 also seemingly showed more of a tendency towards insomnia. I don't think anyone would be really surprised with the idea that age and insomnia might be connected [4].

Some further statistical analysis of their results led researchers to opine on: "positive associations of insomnia severity with general and visual sensory hyper-reactivity and with impairment of social skills." I'm not too au fait with the specifics of the statistical modelling technique used by the authors - hierarchical multiple linear regression analyses (HMLR) - but can see what they did and how they did it, including "controlling for confounding effects of covariates" such as "medication, biological sex, intelligence, and age" (as previously mentioned). That being said, I'll draw your attention to some other conclusions reached by the authors: "The rather small effect sizes reported in the present study suggest that other factors not assessed in this study contribute to the emergence and persistence of sleep problems in adults with ASD."

The Hohn study does add something to the literature on sleep difficulties being experienced by quite a few people (children and adults) on the autism spectrum. I'm not overly convinced that they've stumbled upon evidence that core autistic features such as social skills problems and sensory issues are necessarily central to insomnia in their cohort but am willing to concede that they might play a role. Personally, I'd be inclined to go back to that data on 'comorbid' issues like gastrointestinal (GI) problems (see here) or breathing issues like apnoea (see here) as being something to explore further; also with the assumption that such issues are potentially 'treatable' and could have an important knock-on effect for something like insomnia and other sleep issues with autism in mind...

Oh, and don't forget the molecular handyperson that is melatonin and it's potential role in all of this (see here and see here). That and other potential avenues of research/clinical interest (see here)...

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[1] Hohn VD. et al. Insomnia Severity in Adults with Autism Spectrum Disorder is Associated with sensory Hyper-Reactivity and Social Skill Impairment. J Autism Dev Disord. 2019 Feb 9.

[2] Fernandez-Mendoza J. & Vgontzas AN. Insomnia and its impact on physical and mental health. Curr Psychiatry Rep. 2013;15(12):418.

[3] Garbarino S. et al. Insomnia is associated with road accidents. Further evidence from a study on truck drivers. PLoS One. 2017;12(10):e0187256.

[4] Foley DJ. et al. Sleep complaints among elderly persons: an epidemiologic study of three communities. Sleep. 1995 Jul;18(6):425-32.

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Saturday, 23 March 2019

Autism: a spectrum, dimensions or clusters? How about a multi-dimensional cluster of spectrums?

A write-up (see here) of the paper by Hyunsik Kim and colleagues [1] was the initial impetus for formulating this blog post, but it quickly escalated into something a little larger when the findings from Frank Duffy & Heidelise Als [2] also popped up.

The question at hand: how should one conceptualise autism? Is it truly a spectrum as per the Lorna Wing proposition, or is it something a trifle more complicated? As per the title of this post, should we perhaps be thinking about autism as some sort of "multi-dimensional cluster of spectrums?" I'll come back to that idea shortly.

Well, it's not for me to make definitive conclusions on this blog. Science rarely, if at all, provides an absolute 'truth' but rather the probability that something is approaching truth. Such a notion goes double when you consider the singular label of autism and the huge heterogeneity that it encompasses. There are no easy answers and probably little or no truths.

Starting with the Kim paper (including some notable names such as the surname 'Gadow') and the name of the research game was modelling, modelling in a computational sense. So: "The sample comprised 3,825 youth, who were consecutive referrals to a university developmental disabilities or child psychiatric outpatient clinic." The CASI-4R - formulated by Prof. Gadow - was the schedule administered, which includes "an ASD [autism spectrum disorder] symptom rating scale" among other things. Some nifty statistics were applied to the data and the initial findings were 'tested' on a further group of over 2500 children.

Results: "Based on comparison of 44 different models, results indicated that the ASD symptom phenotype is best conceptualized as multi-dimensional versus a categorical or categorical-dimensional hybrid construct." And the dimensions mentioned in that 'multi-dimensional' statement? Well, lucky for us they were something familiar: "social interaction, communication, and repetitive behaving."

Then to the Duffy/Als paper (again, these authors are no stranger to autism research) and a similar starting point: "The authors postulate that the broad definition of an omnibus 'spectrum disorder' may inhibit delineation of meaningful clinical correlations." Indeed, very familiar (see here). The conclusion: "evidence that an objectively defined, EEG [electroencephalogram] based brain measure may be helpful in illuminating the autism spectrum versus subgroups (clusters) question." The tool used by Duffy/Als in their study was something called NbClust "specifically designed to provide an objective means, i.e. independent of investigator choice, to identify the ‘optimal’ cluster number within a population." Said tool was applied to EEG data derived from 400 participants diagnosed with an ASD. Statistics and more statistics applied to the data revealed that: "430 subjects diagnosed as being on the autism “spectrum” and represented by 40 EEG coherence factors..., fell into two distinct clusters." These autism spectrum clusters differed from each other and importantly, from "554 subject neuro-typical control group subjects, not involved in the clustering process." Interesting results but an unfortunate use of the term 'neurotypical' (see here). Duffy & Als conclude that their data support a view whereby "autism disorder should not be seen as a continuous spectrum." So Kim & Duffy/Als arrive at similar conclusions: a singular 'spectrum' idea of autism is probably not the best way of conceptualising the essence of the label.

I would perhaps add in a little more evidence for the idea that 'multi-dimensional clusters of spectrums' is a potentially better fit. I used the words 'spectrums' (plural) because there is a growing body of evidence to support the idea of more than one 'type' of autism. I say that from the perspective of evidence for autism being 'acquired' under several different circumstances (e.g. accompanying inborn errors of metabolism, linked to exposure to certain infections or diseases, etc). There's also evidence that clinical profiles under the umbrella term autism are not uniform (e.g. regressive autism, the so-called 'optimal outcomers', differing developmental trajectories, etc). And when one looks at something like the success (or not) of intervention, it's plain to see that there is no universally shared genetics and/or biology of autism in the singular either (see here and see here for examples). Add in the idea that autism rarely appears in a diagnostic vacuum (see here) and that said comorbidity might 'cluster' in some subgroups of autism (see here), and I hope you can see why 'plural' might be a good addition to any attempt to re-conceptualise autism: spectrum, dimension, tapestry, cluster or however you think it should be defined...

Oh, and since we're on the topic of trying to conceptualise autism, a new book out recently has been reviewed in Nature (see here). It talks about how "conclusive findings about sex-linked brain differences have failed to materialize" which is particularly apt in relation to previous talk about 'extreme male brains' as a way of conceptualising [some] autism (see here). One quote I particularly liked from the review is this one: "The brain is no more gendered than the liver or kidneys or heart."

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[1] Kim H. et al. Quantifying the Optimal Structure of the Autism Phenotype: A Comprehensive Comparison of Dimensional, Categorical, and Hybrid Models. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2018 Oct 29. pii: S0890-8567(18)31894-X.

[2] Duffy FH. & Als H. Autism, spectrum or clusters? An EEG coherence study. BMC Neurol. 2019 Feb 14;19(1):27.

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Saturday, 26 January 2019

Are early "movement and sensory differences" prodromal signs of autism?

"These results highlight the importance of early surveillance of children who are at elevated risk for ASD [autism spectrum disorder], and early initiatives should focus on early signs of the phenotype, including both movement and sensory differences (prodromal signs) prior to the emergence of diagnostic characteristics."

It was that sentence from the findings reported by Lori-Ann Sacrey and colleagues [1] (open-access available here) that caught my eye, and the idea, once again, that movement 'issues' should perhaps be considered a core feature of autism (see here) or at least more of a core feature than they currently are. I might add that I've covered other important findings from Sacrey et al on this blog previously (see here).

Although open-access, a few details might be useful: "Infants were selected at random to comprise three groups of equal size: (1) 10 non-sibling controls (LR [low risk]-control; 7 boys); (2) 10 HR [high-risk] siblings without an ASD diagnosis (i.e., with an older sibling with ASD but did not receive an ASD diagnosis themselves at 36 months; HR-N; 3 boys); and (3) 10 HR siblings with an ASD diagnosis (i.e., with an older sibling with ASD and also received an ASD diagnosis at 36 months; HR-ASD; 6 boys)." As you can see the participant numbers were fairly small but to balance this, authors did report results based on testing "for differences in reaching-to-grasp" across quite a long period (6-36 months) and utilised quite an array of psychometric testing tools pertinent to their population and study aims.

Researchers found that: "Children who were later diagnosed with ASD showed higher (worse) total scores on the reach-to-grasp movement, as well as higher scores on the components of Orient, Lift, and Pronate compared to children in the LR and HR-N groups." They concluded that: "results suggest that such movement mechanics are relevant to monitoring motor development in children at risk for or diagnosed with ASD." Ergo, there may be quite a bit to see when it comes to early surveillance for autism in respect of movement and/or sensory differences.

Just before you leave I'll also bring the findings reported by Emilia Biffi and colleagues [2] to your attention. Theirs wasn't so much a study of the possible early 'prodromal' signs of autism with a focus on movement patterns but rather another finding suggesting that such movement issues may be persistent in relation to autism and can be readily tested for. Utilising some pretty nifty movement capture technology - "an immersive virtual environment using a 3-D motion analysis system with a dual-belt, instrumented treadmill" - Biffi et al reported that their findings "depicted gait peculiarities in children with ASD, including both kinetic and kinematic features." Movement and gait issues it seems, may very well be a vitally important part of autism...

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[1] Sacrey LR. et al. The reach-to-grasp movement in infants later diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder: a high-risk sibling cohort study. J Neurodev Disord. 2018 Dec 27;10(1):41.

[2] Biffi E. et al. Gait Pattern and Motor Performance During Discrete Gait Perturbation in Children With Autism Spectrum Disorders. Front Psychol. 2018;9:2530.

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Wednesday, 16 January 2019

Subclinical autistic traits affecting adolescent sleep patterns?

There was something rather intriguing about the results published by Liisa Salmela and colleagues [1] (open-access available here) observing that: "Elevated levels of autistic traits were significantly associated with shorter weekday sleep duration" in a cohort of adolescents from Helsinki in Finland. The fact that researchers also concluded that "autistic traits remained an independent predictor of short sleep duration when comorbid psychiatric symptoms were controlled for" added to the intrigue.

I was impressed with some elements of the Salmela study; notably the use of actigraphy as an objective measure of sleep accompanying self-report data derived from the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI). The fact that actigraphs were worn "continuously for an average of 8.36 nights (SD = 1.76; range 4–17)" also meant that researchers had access to quite a bit of data from their 150+ participant study group when it came to activity cycles covering sleep.

What was the measure of autistic traits used I hear you ask? Well, we are told that: "Autistic traits were assessed using the Autism Spectrum Quotient (AQ)" which is an OK measure I suppose, although not without some shortcomings in terms of what is being specifically measured (see here). I should also mention that for the most part, the Salmela study was a study of non-autistic adolescents (two participants were reported to have "scored at or above the clinical cut-off score of 32" on the AQ).

"Continuous autistic traits significantly predicted weekday total sleep time" and "having elevated autistic traits as measured by AQ (Autism Spectrum Quotient) increased the risk for short sleep duration." Mindful that correlation is not necessarily the same as causation, details were important to the Salmela findings as we are also told that (a) as a group, boys tended to score higher on the AQ and (b) again as a group "boys had significantly shorter weekday total sleep time" than girls. It's perhaps no surprise therefore that: "Sex had a statistically significant main effect (p = 0.032) on total sleep time."

Next question: why? Why should autistic traits potentially "increase the risk for short sleep duration in a general adolescent population"? Is there something about the presentation of autistic traits that affects sleep either through psychological/cognitive processes or more physiological processes? Well, those are questions that still need answering. And alongside we seem to have yet another example where core autistic features may very well impact on so-called comorbid issues to add to the collection (see here and see here). This also has potential implications for intervention too...

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[1] Salmela L. et al. Autistic traits and sleep in typically developing adolescents. Sleep Med. 2018 Oct 29;54:164-171.

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Monday, 12 November 2018

Quality of life and autism continued

"In this study it was found that psychiatric comorbidity, sleeping difficulty, intellectual disability, maladaptive behavior, adaptive functioning, autism symptomatology, main daytime activity and residence were associated with QoL [quality of life], independent of respondent type."

So concluded the findings reported by Ane Knüppel and colleagues [1] continuing an important research theme looking at quality of life with autism in mind (see here and see here and see here). There's nothing specifically novel about the factors reported on as affecting quality of life (QoL) where a diagnosis of autism is mentioned (mental health issues, autism severity, comorbidity, activities, social inclusion) but the fact that authors drew on data from both self-reports and proxy-reports is important and perhaps provides an important dual perspective. Indeed as the authors noted: "Proxy-reported QoL is different from self-reported QoL and should be considered as an alternative source of information." Similar sentiments have been expressed recently (see here).

Having previously talked [2] about the properties of the specific instrument used to gauge QoL with autism in mind, the authors relied on responses on the INICO-FEAPS scale in their investigation. More than 1700 participants with autism completed the scale where: "For 165 individuals with ASD [autism spectrum disorder], self-reports only were available, and for 863 individuals with ASD, only parental proxy-reports were available." The scale itself is pretty comprehensive, consisting of "72 items divided into the following eight subdomains: self-determination, rights, emotional wellbeing, social inclusion, personal development, interpersonal relationships, material wellbeing, and physical wellbeing." A higher score on the INICO-FEAPS scale denotes a higher QoL 'level'. Various other measures were also included for study; some of them based on the setting of the study in Denmark and the fact that Scandinavian countries are particularly 'geared up' for collecting all-manner of details on the basis of various national registries held on the population.

Alongside the results suggesting that various factors seemed to be important to QoL, there were some details to consider. So: "Across all respondent groups, the lowest rated QoL domains were emotional wellbeing (range of means = 71.10–74.05) and interpersonal relationships (range of means = 65.07–71.88), and the highest rated QoL domains were rights (range of means = 83.79–86.21) and material wellbeing." Further, researchers also observed that being employed or in education also correlated with a higher QoL score "compared to individuals without any regular daytime activity" and "significant associations were found for all respondent groups, with lower levels of QoL among individuals living with their parents... and among individuals with ASD living outside the family home with support... compared to individuals living independently without support."

I was also interested in the idea discussed by the authors that: "treating psychiatric comorbidity, reducing maladaptive behavior, raising the level of independence, and offering individuals with ASD an opportunity to be involved in any job-related occupation or to receive education may raise the level of QoL." 'Treating psychiatric comorbidity' is already a research and clinical priority when it comes to autism (see here and see here). Yes, science needs to do a lot better in terms of establishing the 'hows-and-whys' of such comorbidity being over-represented alongside autism but there are some important themes starting to emerge (see here) including that looking at core autism symptoms as being potential risk factors for the appearance of such issues. And once again we can look to an important group of people for further clues as to how such psychiatric issues are indeed perhaps more 'core' than comorbidity (see here).

Although 'reducing maladaptive behaviour' potentially covers a lot of 'challenging' ground - "Behavior classified as self-destructive, breaking belongings, defiant, disruptive, hurtful to others and/or socially offensive" - I don't think anyone would seriously argue against the idea that such behaviours are neither good for the individual nor good for those around them. I'm minded to suggest that the reason(s) for such behaviour are likely to be complex (see here and see here), but one thing that could be useful would be to look at some of the research on particular 'profiles' being present and connected to autism and beyond (see here) as a starting point.

And then there is also the suggestion of a possible effect for society more generally, as in ensuring that education and employment opportunities are available to all and making 'an inclusive society' a priority...

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[1] Knüppel A. et al. Quality of life in adolescents and adults with autism spectrum disorder: Results from a nationwide Danish survey using self-reports and parental proxy-reports. Research in Developmental Disabilities. 2018; 83: 247-259.

[2] Knüppel A. et al. Psychometric properties of the INICO-FEAPS scale in a Danish sample with autism spectrum disorders. Research in Developmental Disabilities. 2018; 75: 11-21.

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Friday, 26 October 2018

"greater autism severity predicted greater pain response"

Among the many pressing topics that require [significant] research funds and attention when it comes to autism, I can think of only a few (one actually) that top the observation that pain *might* be something particularly important when it comes to autism (see here). It is with this in mind that I briefly bring the findings reported by Domingo Garcia-Villamisar and colleagues [1] to the blogging table, and their conclusion that: "greater autism severity predicted greater pain response" that "was partially mediated by anxiety and depression."

Authors describe how they 'observed' over 40 adults diagnosed with autism and "intellectual delay" whilst they were undergoing either vaccination or dental cleaning. We are told that "their pain behaviours [were] coded and measures of autism symptom severity, anxiety, depression and obsessivity taken." When the data was gathered and analysed, authors observed that *association* between the intensity/severity of autistic signs and symptoms and the expression of pain. They concluded also that: "Mood must therefore be considered in future research on pain in ASD [autism spectrum disorder] as well as clinical pain management."

Accepting that 'pain coding' is something that requires a little more research, particularly in the context of autism, I'm willing to accept the authors' findings as a road-map to further investigations in this area. Given that conditions/states/symptoms like depression and anxiety are no strangers to autism (see here) it's perhaps implied that they may have quite a large bearing on pain expression in the context of autism.

And if something like anxiety and depression might be 'mediators' of the pain response, shouldn't we doing everything we can to alleviate such issues in the context of autism? Even if that means targeting core symptoms (see here and see here)?

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[1] Garcia-Villamisar D. et al. Internalizing Symptoms Mediate the Relation Between Acute Pain and Autism in Adults. J Autism Dev Disord. 2018 Sep 27.

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Saturday, 13 October 2018

Regressive vs. non-regressive autism: limited chemical differences noted

The paper published by Antonio Gomez-Fernandez and colleagues [1] examining whether or not there may be some potentially important biological differences as a function of reported regression vs. no regression in autism provides the blogging fodder today. Not for the first time has the immune system and 'regressive autism' been mentioned in the peer-reviewed science literature (see here and see here), but the current work focuses on the examination of various immune system and other related compounds: in a seemingly well-defined cohort: "Analyses of plasma molecules, such as cathepsin, IL1β, IL6, IL8, MPO, RANTES, MCP, BDNF, PAI NCAM, sICAM, sVCAM and NGF."

"Fifty-four children (45 males and nine females) aged 2-6, who were diagnosed with ASD [autism spectrum disorder], and a control group of 54 typically-developing children of similar ages were selected." Authors relied on quite an extensive battery of assessments looking at behaviour, alongside their use of the DSM-5 diagnostic criteria for autism (see here). Also accompanying physical examination "with a special emphasis on neurological and nutritional status", authors garnered blood samples from participants (overnight fasting) for their immune system and related functioning evaluations.

"The group of ASD children was further divided into two subgroups based on the presence or absence of neurodevelopmental regression during the first two years of life, which was assessed using a five-item questionnaire following the guidelines used by the Autism Diagnostic Interview-Revised (ADI-R) for the evaluation of this process." The ADI-R has been previously discussed on this blog in relation to regression in autism (see here). And just in case you might not be totally convinced that regression can be part of a pathway to autism, here's some more evidence for you (see here)...

Results: "there were 20 children included in the AMR [neurodevelopmental regression] subgroup and 32 in the ANMR [without neurodevelopmental regression] subgroup; two children could not be classified in these subgroups because they were adoptees, allocated by a national adoption agency." Bearing in mind that we cannot rule out any recruitment bias that might have leaned towards including those with regressive autism on the Gomez-Fernandez study, the figure of approaching 40% of their cohort showing such a regressive profile is notable. I'd also draw your attention to the finding that the behavioural profile for the regressive group (AMR) was also significantly different from the non-regressive group (ANMR) insofar as perhaps painting a picture of greater [group] autism severity...

Interestingly, the study did not show too many immune system and other compound differences between those diagnosed with autism and the asymptomatic (for autism) control group. So: "No differences were found between the two groups in terms of the cytokine and adhesion molecule levels studied, except for NGF [nerve growth factor], in which the group of ASD children was found to have twice the plasma levels compared to the control group." NGF is no stranger to autism research, and other studies have come to a similar conclusion [2].

When it came to examining results based on comparing the regressive (AMR) and non-regressive (ANMR) groupings, things got slightly more interesting but again no complicated pattern of difference was noted. So, for the ANMR (non regression) grouping: "lower plasma levels of the NCAM adhesion molecule were detected compared to the levels in the AMR subgroup and the control group. This ANMR group also exhibited higher NGF levels than the typically-developing children, which could indicate an alteration in neuronal development." Again, adhesion molecules have been mentioned in other autism research (see here).

"In conclusion, the results of this study show that there is not a typical profile for the expression of relevant plasma cytokines, adhesion molecules or growth factors in children with ASD compared with that in typically-developing children." OK, there are caveats to the phrasing used by the authors; not least that the participant numbers were quite small in the Gomez-Fernandez study and the idea that within the very heterogeneous autism spectrum, there may be smaller groupings (phenotypes) that perhaps show a tendency to greater immune system and related 'issues' (see here). But there are also some strengths attached to the Gomez-Fernandez study; not least the study "benefits from a careful selection of children of similar ages, as well as the complete diagnosis of ASD with multiple tests, clinical follow-up and associated complementary tests."

Questions still remain. Perhaps an important one is the question around why some children show a regressive pattern of behaviour as part of their path to a diagnosis of autism? Yes, issues such as infection do seem to be part-and-parcel of the clinical profile for some (see here and see here for examples) and perhaps more detailed focus is required in such areas. But much like a group showing the opposite of regressive autism - those who seemed to 'grow out' of autism - currently thought to include as many as one in ten (see here), a wider range of biological as well as psychometric measures are required to help pick out potentially important mechanisms pertinent to the idea that autism is not necessarily 'hard-wired' for all...

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[1] Gomez-Fernandez A. et al. Children With Autism Spectrum Disorder With Regression Exhibit a Different Profile in Plasma Cytokines and Adhesion Molecules Compared to Children Without Such Regression. Front. Pediatr. 2018. September 26.

[2] Dinçel N. et al. Serum nerve growth factor levels in autistic children in Turkish population: a preliminary study. Indian J Med Res. 2013 Dec;138(6):900-3.

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Wednesday, 3 October 2018

Yet more evidence suggesting that 'lifelong' is not an accurate description of some autism

The findings reported by Amaria Baghdadli and colleagues [1] didn't really come as a great surprise to me. In their study designed to "investigate the adaptive trajectories and their risk factors in ASD [autism spectrum disorder]", researchers reported that just over 5% of their cohort initially categorised as having autism "fell under the ADOS [Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule] threshold" at a later point in time. 'Fell under the ADOS threshold' translates as not meeting the criteria for autism on one of the gold-standard assessment instruments (that's assessment, not screening) and by inference, not being autistic. Important too was another statistic from their study: "11.9% converted to atypical autism" and: "Most atypical autism diagnoses were unstable."

The Baghdadli study was quite an extensive one. We are told that participants were "prospectively followed" from childhood to adulthood with assessments (including the Vineland Adaptive Behaviour Scales) covering a period of 15 years. Outside of some participants seemingly exiting the diagnosis of autism, authors also talked about different trajectories noted among their cohort that ties in with lots of other research on this topic (see here and see here). The authors concluded that: "changes in diagnostic, speech, and adaptive status are not uncommon, even for individuals with low measured intelligence or apparent intellectual disability, and are sometimes difficult to predict." It's interesting too that: "One-third of children who are nonverbal at 5 years are verbal within 15 years, mostly before 8 years of age."

Minus any sweeping generalisations, I appreciate that talk about the 'instability' of presented symptoms/traits/characteristics and autism is not well received in some quarters. Despite study after study after study being published in the peer-reviewed science domain suggesting that, for some, autism is not a lifelong condition by diagnostic standards, there is a reluctance for some people to accept such data. I've heard for example, people talking about such a reversal of symptoms in the context that 'they weren't autistic in the first place' as if such commentators have some special insight into often complete strangers that surpasses professionals with years of clinical experience. I also don't doubt that talk about masking and camouflaging of symptoms, whilst legitimate in the context of [some] autism (albeit with a lot more science needed), might also eventually be used as another explanation too if it hasn't already. But please, don't tell me that preschoolers are also masking during their various assessments (see here)...

The fact remains that the peer-reviewed science on this topic is pretty unanimous insofar as autism not being 'lifelong' for everyone (see here). And yet again we need further investigations on this topic to elucidate whether a change in overt symptom profile heading towards asymptomatic also means changes in biological parameters or genetic functions/expression. Whether one day it might even be possible to predict who will fit into such a categorisation. I'm also keen to see further work being carried out around the idea that losing a diagnosis might have some pretty important effects on other quality of life affecting labels/symptoms/states (see here) that seem to be over-represented in relation to autism (see here). And then a final question: what role does intervention potentially play in such unstable behavioural profiles (see here) and I'm not just talking about 'behavioural' intervention either?

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[1] Baghdadli A. et al. Adaptive trajectories and early risk factors in the autism spectrum: A 15‐year prospective study. Autism Research. 2018. Oct 1.

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Monday, 24 September 2018

"This goal is basically to find out what’s happened to these kids since age 8."

Credit: Disability Scoop 23 August 2018
It's another news report that provides the blogging fodder today, rather than a peer-reviewed science paper. No, this does not signify a significant shift in the aims and objectives of this blog away from peer-reviewed science material; rather I'm just commenting on something that might turn out to be quite important to the autism spectrum and will probably appear in the peer-reviewed science domain at some point. The news report in question (see here) is titled: CDC Expands Autism Monitoring Efforts.

CDC refers to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the report is pertinent to their continuing efforts to chart the estimated prevalence of autism in the United States (see here and see here for some examples). This is done to a large extent via the Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network (ADDM), with statistics based on the number of eight year olds estimated to be diagnosed with autism or an autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Why 8 year olds? Well, I assume it's because this is an age where autism will (*should*) be diagnosed and avoids any earlier years diagnostic confusion and the like.

But it appears that this initiative does not want to just remain focused on 8 year olds as we are told that: "the agency wants researchers at up to two sites to look at 16-year-olds who were previously identified as having autism symptoms in the network’s tracking when they were age 8." Further: "This goal is basically to find out what’s happened to these kids since age 8."

The rationale behind such a decision is a noble one. It's about looking at whether children diagnosed with autism/ASD "have other health conditions and what types of services they are receiving at school and otherwise." 'Other health conditions'? Erm, I'd hazard a guess and say yes, yes they will typically have some other health conditions (see here) also presenting. It's an agenda that also fits in well with the partial shift in focus from children on the autism spectrum towards teens and adults with autism. As for the 'services they are receiving at school' angle, well, this could also be important in terms of best practice too. I say that mindful of the fact that over here on the other side of the Pond, there has been some significant legal movement on schooling in the context of autism recently (see here).

But there is another aspect to such a decision by the CDC that might also be interesting to look at: that pertinent to the stability of an autism diagnosis (see here and see here for examples).

I know some people don't like to talk about the observation that autism, for some, is not necessarily a lifelong diagnosis (see here). The idea that within the huge heterogeneity included under the label of autism not everyone has a stable presentation across the lifespan is a jarring concept, particularly in the context that some people see their autism as so much more than just a diagnostic label. I hear words like 'masking' and 'camouflaging' being used more often to potentially explain why some people don't meet the diagnostic cut-offs for autism/ASD having previously done so. This may well apply to some people, but I don't think this represents an intellectually satisfying universal explanation for such a phenomenon and denigrates a potentially important finding. That also, 'losing a diagnosis' might impact on other issues 'over-represented' in relation to autism (see here and see here) provides further evidence for something other than masking potentially going on (unless the act of masking is somehow 'protective against' the likelihood of psychiatric comorbidity occurring alongside autism?)

I don't want to pre-empt any decisions from the CDC about their shift in focus and what they will and won't look at. Guaranteed that if such a proposal comes to being, the data will reveal something interesting and important, moving forward from just the autism 'numbers game'. If however, diagnostic stability does crop up as part-and-parcel of the new CDC autism prevalence agenda, I daresay that more research resources will be put into looking at the hows-and-whys of this issue. And perhaps too important areas like whether there are genetic and/or biological 'changes' associated with not subsequent fulfilling the diagnostic criteria for autism will also start to figure.

To close, I'm going to link again to the recent-ish findings from Bal and colleagues [1] suggesting that "some older adolescents and adults with ASD may not exhibit the same difficulties observed in young children with ASD" as a template for further study in this area. This, as part of a recognition, that "some will be largely free from symptoms of the disorder by adulthood" [2] (see here for my take) observed by some authors. Feathers will no doubt be ruffled.

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[1] Bal VH. et al. Autism spectrum disorder symptoms from ages 2 to 19 years: Implications for diagnosing adolescents and young adults. Autism Res. 2018 Aug 12.

[2] Lord C. et al. Autism spectrum disorder. Lancet. 2018 Aug 11;392(10146):508-520.

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Wednesday, 5 September 2018

"and some will be largely free from symptoms of the disorder by adulthood"

The quote heading this post - "and some will be largely free from symptoms of the disorder by adulthood"- comes from a seminar article published in The Lancet by Catherine Lord and colleagues [1] on the topic of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). It follows a series of review and seminar articles published in this journal down the years on the topic of autism; covering various different angles, viewpoints and opinions.

I decided to work this quote up into a short blog entry because there are a couple of important implications stemming from such sentiments that coincide with other independent research findings. Not least are the ideas that: (a) for some, autism is not a life-long condition/state/diagnosis/disorder (see here) and (b) far from being static, the presentation of autism can and does change for whatever reason(s) (see here).

There are some caveats to those 'ideas' I've just described. Not least is the 'sweeping generalisation' caution that is required when it comes to autism, and it's very, very heterogeneous nature. Autism for most/many people is a life-long condition. For many people, particularly those who are profoundly autistic, symptoms/traits/characteristics are always going to be present to a significant degree and affect their (and others) lives every single day. This is a statement of fact.

But the sentiments expressed by Lord et al recognise that even where childhood autistic symptom presentation were often severe and 'disabling', that does not mean that this will always be so for some people as they age and mature. It draws attention to the idea that whether through the process of maturation, results of intervention or other increasingly used terms like 'masking', the presentation of autistic signs and symptoms can and do change both in frequency and intensity. This idea of 'fluidity' in the presentation of autism is something that is beginning to percolate through the peer-reviewed domain. Whilst there is probably going to be a sizable contribution from issues like masking autistic signs and symptoms, there is also a realisation that people change and adapt whether in behaviour or cognitive style depending on issues such as their environment.

This line of thinking has implications. It has implications for the use of the term 'autistic identity' where people see the label/diagnosis as an essential part of who they are; much in the same way that discussions about autism and sexuality seem to be converging in a similar manner. It has implications for the provision of services, particularly those 'bean counter' discussions about autism costs over a lifetime (see here) and eligibility criteria for an increasingly finite pot of money and resources. It also has implications for the idea that autism rarely exists in some sort of diagnostic vacuum (see here), and an intriguing question about whether, as overtly presented autism signs and symptoms wane for some, other important symptoms/conditions instead become more prominent. Y'know, like anxiety (see here) and/or depression (see here) or others (see here and see here)? And I'll again throw in some research on how 'being largely free from symptoms' might also impact on other important issues related to autism (see here) mentioned in a post not-so-long-ago on the topic of depression and autism (see here).

Oh, and there's more longitudinal investigation from this research group [2] too, including the quote: "Findings suggest that some older adolescents and adults with ASD may not exhibit the same difficulties observed in young children with ASD". Discuss.

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[1] Lord C. et al. Autism spectrum disorder. Lancet. 2018 Aug 2. pii: S0140-6736(18)31129-2.

[2] Bal VH. et al. Autism spectrum disorder symptoms from ages 2 to 19 years: Implications for diagnosing adolescents and young adult. Autism Res. 2018. Aug 12.

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Monday, 13 August 2018

Participatory research in autism: some good ideas but who gets to participate?

I was genuinely pleased to read the article published by Sue Fletcher-Watson and colleagues [1] talking about how the incorporation of views and opinions from people with autism / autistic people can hopefully improve the relationship between autism research and clinical practice. Pleased because, as autistic voices become more prominent in many walks of life including important research agencies, so such voices can help both guide research priorities and also aid in the the important translation of research findings from dusty science books/journals to [positively] affecting real lives.

The Fletcher-Watson paper recalls the results of a "shaping autism research seminar series" held here in Blighty. We are told that the "overarching goal was to examine how autism research could become more participatory in nature" where the 'target group' aids in making research "more meaningful – that is, relevant to the community, consistent with their values, and not tokenistic in delivery." 'Nihil de nobis, sine nobis' so the [important] saying goes.

Some key themes emerged from the initiative: "Respect, Authenticity, Assumptions, Infrastructure and Empathy." All of these points serve to enhance autism research and move it away from issues like 'research solely for the benefit of researchers careers' and/or 'research for the benefit of just getting further research grants/money' which probably feature in at least some circumstances. Instead the message is about moving towards a research strategy that has tangible real life impact for those on the autism spectrum, also trying to be sensitive to the numerous wants, needs and desires. All those sweeping psychobbable explanations of autism from yesteryear really haven't served anyone well in terms of enhancing quality of life and so people want something different...

The authors accept that alongside the strengths of such an approach there are also challenges. So for example, we are told that under the category of 'authenticity' where "autism communities can shape a research agenda", one challenge is going to be that "merging perspectives of a diverse group into homogeneous outcomes can result in under-specified priority research topics." Indeed it can, and it has been talked about before in the context of consumers/producers of autism research (see here).

Whilst noble in sentiment, I have some cautions and caveats about this area; not least around the question of exactly how participatory such initiatives truly are and can be when it comes to the very heterogeneous autism spectrum and the multitude of voices to be included (see here). Are voices from the autism spectrum who for example, are critical of the concept of neurodiversity likely to be invited to participate? What about those who don't see their autism or its effects in as positive a light as others? Who are the gatekeepers deciding who is involved in "shaping autism research through meaningful participation" and what is the criteria for participating aside from a diagnosis of autism? What happens also when there are disagreements in research direction between 'professionals' and the communities they serve?

The oft-used term 'if you've met one person with autism, you've met one autistic person' always figures in my mind. It denotes that within such a heterogeneous label/diagnosis, there is huge variation in the presentation of autism and the impact that core and related symptoms have on day-to-day living, alongside lots of different views and opinions about autism and what the label means to people. And in this context, terms like 'relevant to the community' and 'consistent with their values' are difficult concepts to entertain in any universal sense because there really is no single 'autistic community' or universally shared values. Remember: if you met one person with autism... Indeed, their meaning may also likely be something slightly different to the 'under-studied' parts of the autism spectrum for example (see here), where voices seem to be currently less well heard in many different scenarios (see here).

I was also a little confused to read the word 'allies' multiple times in the Fletcher-Watson paper, denoting those who are not autistic but share the various views and opinions of those on the spectrum particularly included in the article. 'Allies' is typically a word used in the context of combat and warfare. I appreciate that there are debates/arguments on-going in the autism 'community' that sometimes look and feel like warfare. But the implication from the use of such a 'them-and-us' term, particularly in the context of a research paper, is that if you're 'for' participatory research of the specific type highlighted by the authors, you're an ally. If you're not, or if your opinion differs in terms of possible research priorities (whether you are autistic or not), then by definition, you're not an ally. This is important. Words matter, particularly in the context of 'participatory' research. I say all this also acknowledging that science should really be allegiance-free...

Without wishing to continue too much with the cautions and caveats when such inclusion efforts have noble goals, I have further points. Appreciating that some important research goals have already been published (see here) and with the rapid development of the ICF core sets for autism (see here), there are already plenty of research directions that need to be taken which prioritise people with autism / autistic people and the day-to-day challenges they face; all already including input from people on the autism spectrum. In this respect, participatory research is nothing new to autism.

Insofar as that research 'relevant to the community' (or should that be 'communities') opinion, I'd also advance the idea that 'life-saving' should perhaps represent the first tier of autism research importance to any participatory strategy, as issues such as wandering, suicide risk and early mortality (see here, see here and see here respectively) continue to remain ever-present and significantly impact on many peoples' lives - again, particularly among those who perhaps fall into that 'under-represented' categorisation of autism (see here). The alleviation of pain and suffering, whether physical (see here for one example) or otherwise (see here), should probably form the next tier of research importance. And perhaps another tier of participatory research could be devoted to giving those with autism who seemingly don't have a voice, the means to communicate their wants, needs and desires and thus enable themselves to participate further in such participatory schemes. Just my observations...

A final question I have for such participatory research is an ethical one in the context of some likes and dislikes voiced by some on the autism spectrum: if for example, by tackling such primary issues such as depression and anxiety that plague many people on the autism spectrum and often severely impact on quality of life, it actually means having to intervene on the core presentation of autism (see here and see here for other research in these areas), would such participatory research 'alliances' be brave enough to take on such an option? If for example, it mean't that something like the presence of social-communication issues showed a *connection* to the experience(s) of depression for example (see here), would such participatory research look to evidence-based strategies and possibilities to try and 'change' such core issues and behaviour? Or would the conversations just revert back to something like the tenets of the social model of disability as being the primary reason for such issues as per other examples (see here)?

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[1] Fletcher-Watson S. et al. Making the future together: Shaping autism research through meaningful participation. Autism. 2018 Aug 10:1362361318786721.

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Tuesday, 10 July 2018

"anxiety occurring as a consequence of ASD symptoms"

Although not necessarily a popular idea, I have for a while been coming around to the possibility that various 'comorbidities' associated with a diagnosis of autism or autism spectrum disorder (ASD) represent more than just 'comorbidity'. I'm not specifically talking about medical comorbidity such as epilepsy or seizure disorder being intricately related to autism (although there is evidence for such a relationship) but rather that co-occurring clinical and sub-clinical psychiatric issues such as depression and anxiety potentially 'come about' partially as a result of the presence of autistic traits and characteristics (see here and see here).

As I said, this is not a universally popular idea. In the age of the emergence of an 'autistic identity' and an increasingly vocal group of people wanting to discuss what role societal factors play with regards to quality of life in the context of autism (see here), the idea that autistic traits themselves might in some way predispose for various other, often very disabling conditions, is not easy to reconcile. Even more so if the implication for managing things like anxiety and/or depression might mean 'targeting' core autistic features for intervention...

The findings such as those reported by Elizabeth Shephard and colleagues [1] "testing the specificity of early-life (infant and toddler) predictors of mid-childhood ADHD [attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder] and anxiety symptoms compared to ASD symptoms" provide however, another tier of evidence that (a) autism rarely exists in some sort of diagnostic vacuum (see here), and (b) something like the symptoms of anxiety appearing alongside autism could "reflect the presence of common developmental pathways or convergence in early behavioural manifestations."

Shephard et al discuss results obtained from the British Autism Study of Infant Siblings (BASIS) initiative, a collaboration based here in Blighty aiming to "provide a platform for the study of infants at-risk for autism in the UK and to facilitate collaborative links between scientists working in the area." High-risk (i.e. having a sibling diagnosed with ASD) and low-risk infants were followed and tested for various symptoms and traits covering autism and also ADHD and anxiety at various points during their childhood development: "7, 14, 24 and 38 months, and 7 years of age." Importantly, because measuring things like anxiety in young children is still quite a challenge, researchers used other soft signs and symptoms - fearfulness and shyness - as "early-life predictors of anxiety symptoms." Some nifty statistical methods were applied to the collected data.

Results: "Increased activity levels and poor inhibitory control were correlated with ADHD symptoms and not ASD or anxiety; these associations were unchanged in path models controlling for risk-group and ASD symptoms." The authors interpreted these findings as evidence that "these disorders may have distinct developmental origins and are therefore unlikely to reflect a common condition" with a specific focus on autism and ADHD. Ergo, when one sees the data pointing to a rather large over-representation of ADHD in the context of autism (see here), this does not necessarily translate into autism being ADHD or vice-verse or them sharing a common developmental pathway.

Additionally: "early‐life markers of anxiety (without ASD) were associated with later anxiety..., but were also associated with later ASD symptoms." When looking at those early-life markers of [possible] anxiety, and how they *linked* to the symptoms of autism, authors highlighted how "these disorders are difficult to differentiate early in life, which could reflect the presence of common developmental pathways or convergence in early behavioural manifestations of these disorders." In other words, there may be some intricate links between them.

Of course, lots more research is needed in this area, as authors mention about the use of "parent‐rated measures of early‐life predictors and mid‐childhood symptoms of ADHD, anxiety and ASD" and what that could mean for the quality of the information obtained. Personally, I'd be inclined to suggest that parents are often 'under-rated' in their contributions to autism research (see here for example) including on the specific issue of anxiety and autism (see here). But I guess every study can be improved in some respect.

What's more to say on this topic? Well, I'm minded to bring in some other, rather 'left-field' evidence for how autism and anxiety might be more intricately linked than hitherto suggested, in the form of some work looking at selective mutism and autism (see here). How, a condition centrally identifying with anxiety (selective mutism), also seemingly heightens the risk of autism being subsequently diagnosed well beyond what would be expected. I don't doubt that there other examples of anxiety-related conditions also potentially increasing the likelihood of autism presenting clinically further strengthening the 'beyond just comorbidity' sentiments.

And set within this emerging research/clinical picture [2], we then go back to the idea that some autistic traits might be 'promoters' of something like anxiety in the context of autism, and back to the important question of what to do about them...

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[1] Shephard E. et al. Early developmental pathways to childhood symptoms of attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, anxiety and autism spectrum disorder. J Child Psychol Psychiatry. 2018 Jul 2.

[2] Spain D. et al. Social anxiety in autism spectrum disorder: A systematic review. Research in Autism Spectrum Disorders. 2018; 52: 51-68.

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Thursday, 28 June 2018

'Growing out of autism' was talked about way back in 1993

I appreciate that for some people mention of the words 'growing out of autism' in the title of this post will be met with a furrowed brow. I appreciate that the very sweeping generalisation that all autism that is, has been or ever will be, is lifelong and immutable is something that some people adhere to almost religiously, as words like 'oh, they weren't autistic in the first place' ring out in some quarters to counter such 'growing out of' sentiments. I'm certainly not going to be able to change anyone's mind, and neither do I seek to.

But the idea that autism, for some, is not lifelong is something that is very evident in the peer-reviewed science domain and beyond. I've talked about it on a few occasions on this blog (see here and see here) and how 'subsequently not fulfilling the diagnostic criteria for autism' having previously done so, may have some quite profound implications beyond just the core presentation of autism (see here).

Recently PubMed decided to list the paper by Anne-Liis von Knorring & Bruno Hägglöf [1] published way back in 1993 (the year we were all asked to 'Shake the Room'). Theirs is an interesting paper insofar as providing a window on autism research decades back; even referring to a time when the term 'childhood psychosis' was still being used.

They report 'follow-up' results of a group of children and young adults residing in Northern Sweden. Previously diagnosed with childhood psychosis, all cases were re-evaluated and: "According to DSM-III-R, 38 children met the criteria of "autistic disorder"." Authors reported on various aspects of behaviour some 8-9 years later for 34 of the original 38 participants, and what happened to signs and symptoms in terms of things like stability.

For most participants, there was little change in their diagnostic status. Autism for the majority, was lifelong and indeed for some, showed "a mildly deteriorating course" but typically with some improvements in language and communication. The authors also mention how: "In one case symptoms of schizophrenia developed" which kinda taps into another area of increasing interest these days concerning the over-representation of psychiatric comorbidity in the context of autism (see here).

But then, something interesting: "Only one boy had "grown out of" autism without showing any autistic-like symptoms at all." Yes, it's only 1 out of 34 (two others from the original cohort who did not take part in the follow-up study were reported to be "well-functioning employed adult young men living by themselves") but nonetheless...

I've often pondered why 'growing out of autism' has not been received with open arms by some. I've come to the conclusion that there are likely a few reasons why.

So first, the idea of 'autistic identity' - where autism is seen as so much more than a diagnosis - might have something to do with it. Although identities change, modify and adapt throughout the lifespan, there is perhaps something 'safe' about the idea that being defined as 'autistic' is a constant, and the sense of belonging that perhaps follows, alongside terms like 'neurodiversity' gaining popularity. The evidence suggesting that such a constant might not be a universal constant for everyone is perhaps jarring for some. Indeed, from a neurodiversity point of view, those who are no longer autistic should perhaps then be viewed as transitioning to neurotypical perhaps...?

Allied to this sense of 'identity' I do wonder if some of the terminology associated with 'growing out of autism' might also play a role in how the concept has been viewed down the years. Take for example the term 'optimal outcome' made in reference to those who were were once autistic but at a later point don't hit clinical cutoff points. The insinuation is that where a diagnosis of autism or the presentation of significant autistic traits persists, there is an opposite: 'not optimal'. You can perhaps see how this paints autism, particularly in the context of that autistic identity. And it is indeed timely that there is research chatter about 'reframing optimal outcome' [2] recently...

Similarly, the idea of 'growing out of autism' also taps into the 'medicalisation' of the label. So, minus making too many direct comparisons, when individuals don't meet the clinical thresholds for the label (having previously done so), one could argue that this is evidence that some autism is akin to other medical diagnostic labels that wax and wane, whether naturally or following intervention. I daresay also that autism as seemingly being transient for some, also sits in the same domain of autism being 'acquired' for some. Y'know, those various examples in the peer-reviewed literature that suggest that infection (viral, bacterial, etc) can lead to autism (see here) or that autism appearing alongside various inborn errors of metabolism (see here) is a reality too.

I'm just opining as an outsider looking in, but these are some of the reasons that spring to mind for the seeming lack of interest (even disdain in some quarters) for such a group. Minus any sweeping generalisations from me, all of those previous points have collectively been noted in another context: sexuality...

Personally, I don't see such 'growing out of autism' cases as a threat to either identity or any other aspect of autism. You've probably heard of the term 'if you've met one autistic person, you've met one person with autism' and well, that goes as much for those who 'lose' their diagnosis as it does for anyone else. Anyone with some scientific curiosity should really be asking the question 'why?' Why do some people manifest autism (and reach all the diagnostic cutoff points for autism) at one part in their life but not another? Is it about masking or are there more complicated processes - psychological, biological, genetics - at work?  What role does intervention play (if any)? And what lessons can we learn from such a group outside of the idea that autism is a truly heterogeneous label?

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[1] von Knorring AL. & Hägglöf B. Autism in northern Sweden. A population based follow-up study: Psychopathology. Eur Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 1993 Apr;2(2):91-97.

[2] Georgiades S. & Kasari C. Reframing Optimal Outcomes in Autism. JAMA Pediatrics. 2018. June 25.

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