Showing posts with label offending behaviour. Show all posts
Showing posts with label offending behaviour. Show all posts

Thursday, 7 March 2019

Treating ADHD: better school results, less risk of crime and better sleep?

I
I had already written and scheduled in this blog post before an important - very important - headline appeared on the BBC News website: "ADHD [attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder] testing after 'impulsive crime' arrests should be mandatory, MPs say." The news piece covered, amongst other things, some of the peer-reviewed research findings suggesting that a diagnosis of ADHD appears to place someone at various enhanced risk for adverse life outcomes. And that potentially includes offending behaviour and prison time.

So...

Today's post is a bit of a mash-up insofar as bringing together three pieces of independent peer-reviewed research pertinent to the important idea of managing or 'treating' ADHD when it arises. I appreciate that not many people would want their nearest-and-dearest 'medicated' for example in the long-term. But when it comes to something like ADHD the case is indeed growing strong for how pharmacological intervention in particular, could literally be a life-saver for some (see here)...

The papers: first there are the findings reported by Andreas Jangmo and colleagues [1] who "analyzed school performance in students with ADHD compared to students without ADHD, and the association between pharmacological treatment of ADHD and school performance." This continues a research theme (see here). The second paper is that from Christina Mohr-Jensen and colleagues [2] which looked at "the risk of long-term conviction and incarceration associated with childhood attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and to identify risk and protective factors including associations with active treatment with ADHD medication." Again, this is a topic that has previously received quite a bit of study before (see here). Finally, I'd like to bring the paper by Stephen Becker and colleagues [3] to the blogging table, investigating whether "sleep duration is causally linked to sleepiness, inattention, and behavioral functioning in adolescents with ADHD." The answer: yes, yes it was, in line with other independent research (see here). And that potentially opens the door to intervention (see here).

Minus any sweeping generalisations from me or anyone else, the net result of these studies suggest that intervention for ADHD - primarily pharmacotherapy along the lines of what is currently indicated for ADHD - seems to have an important positive effect for many people diagnosed with ADHD. Some examples of this in action:

  • School performance and ADHD: "ADHD was associated with substantially lower school performance independent of socioeconomic background factors." But the good news: "Treatment with ADHD medication for 3 months was positively associated with all primary outcomes" including higher grades and improving access to education. Such data was derived from a total sample size in the hundreds of thousands.
  • Crime and ADHD: "Out of n=4,231 individuals with ADHD, n=1,355 (32.0%) had received at least one conviction compared to n=3,059 (15.6%) of the n=19,595 participants without ADHD." But... "The crime rates increased with the number of associated risks but were reduced during periods of taking ADHD medication."
  • Sleep and ADHD: "Compared to the extended sleep week, parents reported more inattentive and oppositional symptoms during the restricted sleep week." The Becker study did not specifically talk about the use of intervention for sleep issues in the context of ADHD but it wouldn't be a giant leap to look at 'options' for improving sleep parameters in that context (and what knock-on effects this might have for behaviour).

Caveats? Well, correlation is not the same as causation, so even despite the 'strong' connections noted across these various studies mentioning ADHD, one cannot rule out other confounding variables playing a role. There's also the issue of balancing efficacy and safety to consider as and when any form of pharmacotherapy is introduced, something that is still being looked at with for example, methylphenidate and ADHD (paediatric ADHD) in mind [4]. I'm also minded to suggest that more fundamental work on the basis for ADHD should continue, alongside examination of the hows-and-whys of certain medicines *working* in the context of the biology of ADHD too. That, and an acceptance that medication might be but one tool in the arsenal (see here and see here and see here) to help prevent ADHD from negatively affecting a person's life and/or life chances.

But still the combined results are important. And they may well be important to those who don't quite reach all the thresholds for ADHD as a diagnosis [5] too... 

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[1] Jangmo A. et al. Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder, School Performance, and Effect of Medication. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2019 Feb 1. pii: S0890-8567(19)30059-0.

[2] Mohr-Jensen C. et al. Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder in Childhood and Adolescence and the Risk of Crime in Young Adulthood in a Danish Nationwide Study. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2019 Feb 11. pii: S0890-8567(19)30105-4.

[3] Becker SP. et al. Shortened Sleep Duration Causes Sleepiness, Inattention, and Oppositionality in Adolescents With ADHD: Findings From a Crossover Sleep Restriction/Extension Study. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2018 Nov 1. pii: S0890-8567(18)31914-2.

[4] Inglis SK. et al. Prospective observational study protocol to investigate long-term adverse effects of methylphenidate in children and adolescents with ADHD: the Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder Drugs Use Chronic Effects (ADDUCE) study. BMJ Open. 2016;6(4):e010433.

[5] Kirova AM. et al. Are subsyndromal manifestations of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder morbid in children? A systematic qualitative review of the literature with meta-analysis. Psychiatry Res. 2019 Feb 3;274:75-90.

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Tuesday, 25 September 2018

More welcomed (and interesting) research on pathological demand avoidance (PDA)

Pathological demand avoidance (PDA) [syndrome] is a label that currently occupies an unusual place in psychiatric and developmental circles. Defined by "obsessive non-compliance, distress, and florid challenging and socially inappropriate behaviour", PDA has seemingly found a place (somewhere) on the autism spectrum, but at the time of writing, does not actually occupy any unique position in any of the current systems of diagnostic classification mentioning autism (e.g. DSM, ICD). The National Autistic Society (NAS) here in Blighty talk about PDA in the context of "a behaviour profile within the autistic spectrum" but that's just one description among others.

The rise and rise of the term PDA as a specific diagnosis is firmly rooted (geographically) here in Blighty. This is probably as a result of the first description of PDA emanating from the late Elizabeth Newson during her time at the Early Years Diagnostic Centre (now called the Elizabeth Newson centre). Not everyone however is totally convinced that PDA is an independent syndrome (see here) or indeed, whether it is deserving of its specific and exclusive link with the autism spectrum at the cost of other labels... I'll be touching on that last point again in this post.

After that long introduction, I bring the findings reported by Vincent Egan and colleagues [1] to the blogging table, and some more welcome research in this area. The name of the research game for Egan et al was to adapt the Extreme Demand Avoidance Questionnaire (EDA-Q) "an informant-rating instrument" into a self-report version - the Extreme Demand Avoidance Questionnaire—Adult version (EDA-QA). Two studies are reported on in this context: "In Study 1, we use this measure to examine the relationship between PDA traits, ASD [autism spectrum disorder] traits, and other psychopathology dimensions, in a community sample of adults reporting self-identified psychopathology" and: "The second study examined the EDA-QA in a community sample and measured ASD traits more thoroughly, using the full ASQ." Yes, that's ASQ as in AQ (the Autism Spectrum Quotient) "used to quantify cognitive and behavioural features associated with ASD" and all the baggage that goes with it (see here and see here).

Results: yes, the EDA-QA was "reliable, univariate, and correlated with negative affect, antagonism, disinhibition, psychoticism, and ASQ score." This bearing in mind that the nearly 350 people who took part in study 1 were all self-reporting on the various instruments used, were "recruited from a variety of specialist on-line blogs and community forums focusing on the needs and concerns of persons with ASD" and were described as "a highly educated group." I also note that the words 'self-identifying' were also used extensively during the study write-up, specifically: "29 individuals reporting self-identified ASD also reported having PDA, 44 persons claimed to have PDA alone, and a further 19 self-identified PDA alongside depression or anxiety; separately, 59 persons claimed to have formally diagnosed ASD." Even the authors acknowledge that "self-reported ASD is not without it’s difficulties." No arguments from me there (see here and see here) and others have similar opined.

When it came to study 2 results, we are told that: "A path analysis to fit the data indicated that ASQ and EDA-QA scores were positively related." Irrespective of my various musings on how the ASQ (AQ) is not seemingly 'specific' when it comes to traits being 'linked to autism', this is an encouraging result. But there was more too... "The EDA-QA measure was associated with lower agreeableness, lower emotional stability, and higher scores on the ASQ. The effects were stronger for personality traits than for ASQ scores, suggesting it may be personality that differentiates how ASD traits are expressed, with more emotionally unstable and antagonistic persons with ASD expressing PDA-type qualities." One of the thoughts I had about this finding - 'personality that differentiates how ASD traits are expressed' - is the 'tie up' between the expression of autistic traits in relation to something like borderline personality disorder (BPD) (see here and see here) that has become more frequent in the peer-reviewed science arena recently. Yet more evidence perhaps that 'self-identifying' or 'self-diagnosis' when it comes to autism is not necessarily the most accurate measure?

The authors conclude that their instrument has promise and "could be easily integrated into assessment packages currently used with prisoners, mentally disordered offenders, and homeless people, where PDA may be suspected." Minus any big headlines regarding those particular groups (see here for example), I think examination of PDA in some of those contexts could be rather revealing. The link, for example, between PDA and offending behaviour (see here) in the context that SRED (Self-Report Early Delinquency Scale) scores - indicating "higher overall self-reported delinquency" -  significantly positively correlated with EDA-QA is an intriguing finding. That also AQ scores showed no such association with SRED scores might also suggest that PDA is not as necessarily well suited to an all-encompassing link to autism (autistic traits) as many people might think...

Let's hope that there is more research to come on the topic of PDA.

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[1] Egan V. et al. The Measurement of Adult Pathological Demand Avoidance Traits. J Autism Dev Disord. 2018 Aug 23.

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Friday, 24 August 2018

Screening for autism 'symptom complexes' among residents in secure children's homes

A secure children's home (SCH) mentioned in the title of this post typically refers to a place where care and accommodation is given to "children and young people who have been detained or sentenced by the Youth Justice Board (YJB) and those who have been remanded to secure Local Authority (LA) accommodation." The paper published by P.J. Kennedy and colleagues [1] provides some interesting details about the prevalence of autism or "symptom complexes compatible with ASD [autism spectrum disorder]" among young people residing in two SCHs here in Blighty, alongside some initial demographic data around those detected.

Over 110 adolescents housed in SCHs were included for study, where their support workers completed the Social Communication Questionnaire (SCQ) on their behalf. The SCQ is one of the more important autism screening questionnaires. It's not however considered 'diagnostic' and is not without it's issues (see here), hence the use of the words "Symptom Complexes Compatible with Autistic Spectrum Disorder" by Kennedy et al. The results suggested that approaching 15% of their cohort were judged to present with symptoms/traits compatible with a diagnosis of ASD. Authors also mentioned how certain 'aspects' of positive screeners might also be important; for example, "differences in gender, legal status and a history of Child Sexual Exploitation (CSE)." There's also mention of an important word - 'vulnerability' - in the Kennedy paper, which I've often said is still very much under-used when it comes to the autism spectrum (see here and see here for examples).

Whilst further work is required on autism (whether in diagnosis or 'symptom complexes') in the context of SCHs, the suggestion that autism or autistic traits may be over-represented among SCH residents is an important one. I should add that whilst SCHs house those who have been 'detained or sentenced by the Youth Justice Board' they do also cater for quite a wide range of issues/difficulties outside of those presenting with offending behaviour. This includes those who may be at risk to themselves and others alongside those with mental health difficulties. This is an important detail in the context that I don't want to promulgate the idea that towards 15% of 'offenders' have an undiagnosed autism spectrum disorder (ASD). We don't yet know this, and need to keep in mind other important issues such as the growing realisation that autism rarely exists in a diagnostic vacuum (see here) and what that might mean for those on the autism spectrum who do offend (see here).

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[1] Kennedy PJ. et al. Brief Report: Using the Social Communication Questionnaire to Identify Young People Residing in Secure Children's Homes with Symptom Complexes Compatible with Autistic Spectrum Disorder. J Autism Dev Disord. 2018 Jul 17.

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Monday, 19 February 2018

"A greater understanding of ASD-related violence risk is needed to combat stigma"

This is another one of my long posts, so please, bear with me.

The topic of violence is always an emotional one. I know that even to mention the word 'violence' in the context of any label/diagnosis/condition/group carries the risk of making some people believe that there is some sort of generalisable connection. No smoke without fire eh? And one only needs to look at another label to see how a link with violence and by inference, 'dangerousness' has left a deep and long-lasting mark (see here) that continues today. So we're stuck between a rock and hard place: to talk about something and the risks attached in doing so, or just leave it, let people make their own judgements...

I've discussed quite a few uncomfortable topics on this blog down the years in light of various peer-reviewed research publications. I'm not one for shying away from calm and proportionate discussion where science - peer-reviewed science - has some vitally important input. In that context, I continue my discussions on the topic of violence and autism (see here). By doing so, I'm not making any sweeping generalisations. I'm not making any wild claims. I don't offer any brilliant insights into this topic. I'm just following the science and keeping emotions as far away from such cold, objective science as possible.

But there is a message before I continue. A message to those who might, in light of various media headlines, make some snap judgements about some of the people in your community. The message is simple: violence, in all it's forms, is not inherent to any one group. No-one is violent because of generalisations about who they are, whether on the basis of age, race, socio-economic circumstances or anything else. There are typically reasons for violence, and in many cases they're complicated. By saying all that, I'm not trying to talk down the very real effects that violence can have on individuals, families and society in general and the strong need for justice and more importantly, prevention. Just that seemingly apparent correlations and simple answers rarely provide an accurate insight into the particular hows-and-whys of violence and violent acts...

So today I'm talking about the paper published by Jill Del Pozzo and colleagues [1] who "provide a comprehensive review of the literature bearing on the relationship between ASD [autism spectrum disorder] and violent behavior." This is a timely publication because I'm sure many people have seen the word 'autism' being used among the coverage of a quite horrendous act recently. Indeed, even Del Pozzo et al allude to other similar attention: "Over the last decade, there has been increased media attention focused on the relationship between ASD [autism spectrum disorder] and violent behavior due to a number of school shootings and high-profile criminal cases involving offenders with alleged ASD diagnoses."

Perhaps I need to mention that the word/description 'violence' covers a lot of ground. It of course covers violence against others, whether on an individual or collective basis, but importantly, also covers violence in many other forms including against oneself in the form of self-injury and/or self-abuse. Most media coverage of violence covers violence against others. But I'd wager that violence against oneself is the predominant form of violence in many circumstances minus any big headlines...

Del Pozzo et al set about providing a "comprehensive review of the literature" on autism and violence. Following their surveying of the current peer-reviewed research literature in this area, the authors concluded that whilst a diagnosis of autism is by no means protective of someone committing a violent act, there is generally more peer-reviewed scientific support for the idea that "ASD does not cause violence" over and above the sometimes negative media portrayals of the label in this context (see here). A welcome conclusion it has to be said, and one that needs to be circulated widely; but again, minus any sweeping generalisations and bearing in mind that science is all about probability not absolutes.

There are caveats to the statement that 'ASD does not cause violence' insofar as the multiple observations that autism typically does not exist in a diagnostic or social vacuum (see here), and how various factors (environment, psychiatric comorbidity, criminality) can potentially elevate the risk of violence for some people. All of this is not about passing the diagnostic buck (see here) as some people quite unceremoniously have decided to do, but needs to be mentioned; particularly in light of these days where 'autism plus' [2] is more typically the norm (see here) over and above the label of autism existing as some sort of stand-alone diagnosis. The pertinent question therefore may not necessarily be one of 'does autism cause violence?' but rather what role autism may or may not play [3] when it comes to violence, taking into account an often very complicated, very individual clinical picture. I say this also acknowledging that a diagnosis of autism is not some 'magical status' automatically reserved only for 'good people' (see here); just as any other behavioural/psychiatric label does not similarly distinguish between 'good' and 'bad' people.

As per the title of this post utilising a quote from Del Pozzo and colleagues - "A greater understanding of ASD-related violence risk is needed to combat stigma" - there is a pressing need to further understand how and why violence can/does occur for some alongside the label of autism or rather autism plus. Whether as part of the often nebulous term that is 'challenging behaviours' (see here) or in other related contexts (importantly also including that self-aggression angle), trying to answer such how/why questions can only be of benefit to all concerned. Indeed, alongside another quite sweeping generalisation made by Del Pozzo et al that: "Violence results from undetected or untreated third variables (e.g. psychosis)" and "Individuals with ASD have an elevated risk of psychosis", various lessons continue to be learned [4] (see here also) albeit stressing how complicated any relationship is likely to be [5]. As I mentioned before, easy answers are not likely to forthcoming.

Finally, I want end by again introducing the concept of 'vulnerability' in the context of autism into proceedings. I'm not specifically talking about vulnerability to various comorbidity that 'probably' influence the presentation of violence in the context of autism, but rather vulnerability in more general terms (see here). The writings of Tom Berney [6] provide some particularly insightful details on such vulnerability in relation to violent and other offending acts within the context of some autism or rather some 'autism plus'. Such vulnerability issues stress how, minus hype or sensationalism or indeed any calls for censorship in this most delicate area, investigations need to continue and sensitively continue without stigmatising and without further disadvantaging an already quite disadvantaged community...

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[1] Del Pozzo J. et al. Violent behavior in autism spectrum disorders: Who's at risk? Aggression and Violent Behavior. 2018. Jan 31.

[2] Gillberg C. & Fernell E. Autism plus versus autism pure. J Autism Dev Disord. 2014 Dec;44(12):3274-6.

[3] Allely CS. et al. Violence is Rare in Autism: When It Does Occur, Is It Sometimes Extreme? J Psychol. 2017 Jan 2;151(1):49-68.

[4] Långström N. et al. Risk factors for violent offending in autism spectrum disorder: a national study of hospitalized individuals. J Interpers Violence. 2009 Aug;24(8):1358-70.

[5] Bell V. et al. A symptom-based approach to treatment of psychosis in autism spectrum disorder in October 2017. BJPsych Open. 2018 Jan;4(1):1-4.

[6] Berney T. Asperger syndrome from childhood into adulthood. Brit Journal Psych Advances. 2044; 10: 341-351.

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Wednesday, 11 October 2017

On the "co-occurrence of autism and delinquency": no association for the majority

"The extant research shows that for most people with ASD [autism spectrum disorder] there is no association between ASD and delinquent behavior."

That was one of the primary conclusions reached in the literature review published by Alexa Rutten and colleagues [1] (open-access) looking at the collected peer-reviewed science from 1990 to 2015 on this topic. Boiling down the literature to 12 papers "five of which report the prevalence of delinquency in patients with ASD and seven the prevalence of ASD in a forensic population", authors reported on quite a lot of variability when it came to delinquency and offending behaviours but overall, offending behaviour was "lower in people with ASD than in the general population."

This is welcomed research. It reiterates what many people have already known/suspected, in that the label 'autism' for many is not typically associated with intentional delinquency or offending behaviour. As Rutten et al note: "many people with ASD have an overactive sense of right and wrong and are usually conscientious and unwilling to break the law." I should also point out that a diagnosis of autism is not however necessarily some kind of 'shield' when it comes to offending behaviour (see here and see here for a more recent example) or indeed, potential 'vulnerability' to becoming involved in specific offences (see here). But serious 'intentional' delinquency is not the norm; even that is, in the context of something like greater likelihood of contact with law enforcement agencies (see here).

There are still lessons to learn in this area of research and practice. Certain 'over-represented' comorbidity appearing alongside autism is still something to potentially consider [2] as per other findings (see here and see here). I say that without 'trying to pass the [diagnostic] buck'. Bearing in mind also how wide the autism spectrum is, specific diagnoses on the spectrum might also require further study as per the authors comments: "The prevalence of ASD diagnoses, particularly Asperger’s syndrome, in forensic settings is remarkable because it is much higher than the prevalence of ASD diagnoses in the general population." At this point I'll also refer you once again to the comprehensive review paper by Tom Berney [3] that mentions some of the potential how-and-whys of offending in the specific context of Asperger syndrome, again minus any sweeping generalisations. Recent media attention on previously undiagnosed Asperger syndrome in a prison context also makes for important and relevant reading too (see here) particularly where substance abuse is prominently mentioned (see here).

I would however question one rather sweeping statement made by Rutten and colleagues: "It is important to diagnose ASD carefully and to differentiate autism symptoms such as a lack of empathy from psychopathic traits". Lack of empathy and autism? Hmm, sounds a bit old hat to me...

I will again close with the point made that for the majority of people on the autism spectrum, the label is much more likely to be associated with law abiding rather than law breaking.

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[1] Rutten AX. et al. Autism in adult and juvenile delinquents: a literature review. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health. 2017; 11: 45.

[2] Newman SS. & Ghaziuddin M. Violent crime in Asperger syndrome: the role of psychiatric comorbidity. J Autism Dev Disord. 2008 Nov;38(10):1848-52.

[3] Berney T. Asperger syndrome from childhood into adulthood. Advances in Psychiatric Treatment. 2004. 10; 341-351.

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Thursday, 10 August 2017

ADHD and law enforcement contact: not a straight-forward relationship

Several times on this blog I've talked about how a diagnosis of attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) seems to place the recipient at quite a bit of excess risk for various unfavourable outcomes (see here). I've tried hard not to make too many sweeping generalisations on this issue; mindful that behind every statistic in every peer-reviewed bit of science there are real people and real lives. But the data is becoming quite compelling on this matter...

The paper by Mark van der Maas and colleagues [1] makes an important contribution to the idea that the relationship between a diagnosis of ADHD and contact with law enforcement 'systems' is perhaps not as straight-forward as many might believe. Concluding that: "The observed connection between ADHD and criminality may be better understood through their shared relationships with indicators of poor social bonds", researchers suggest that social factors may very well come into play.

OK, based on a sample of over 5300 adults "representative of the general population of Ontario, Canada" researchers asked participants about their "self-reported arrest on criminal charges" history alongside examining ADHD-linked symptoms via the Adult Self Report Scale (ASRS-v1.1). They also interviewed/questioned about various social bonds - household size, education level, drug and substance abuse, etc.

They observed that: "screening positive for ADHD was twice as likely... and past use of medications for ADHD three times as likely... to be associated with ever having been arrested." But... when statistical modelling took into account the data on social bonds, things started to get a little more fuzzy. So: "In the best fitting statistical model, ever having been arrested was not associated with ADHD, but it was significantly associated with indicators of strong and weak social bonds." So things like anti-social behaviour, not progressing well in educational terms and substance use (abuse) might have some important influences on contact with law enforcement agencies. A shocker, I know.

I do have to point out a few important things about this research before anyone gets too immersed in the idea that ADHD is completely off the hook. First was the reliance on self-report when it comes to both ADHD signs and symptoms and also arrest record. The ASRS might very well be a nice rough-and-ready measure of ADHD symptoms but it is no substitute for a thorough assessment for a diagnosis of ADHD. Similarly, people may not always be completely truthful when it comes to their arrest record under several circumstances including research conditions...

Second is the concept of cause-and-effect. As easy as it is to say that ADHD was not itself linked to arrest record(s), it is important not to interpret the findings to say that there is 'no connection' between ADHD and 'having been arrested'. Minus sweeping generalisations, facets of ADHD - such as impulsivity and inattention - can and do perhaps account for some of the heightened risk for various types of offending behaviour [2]. It's fine to say that these facets of ADHD might be exacerbated under conditions of substance use/abuse for example, but one could easily then ask whether ADHD might have actually been involved in facilitating such substance use/abuse in the first place. Certainly, there is (peer-reviewed) evidence that a diagnosis of ADHD - if left untreated - may very well impact on educational outcomes for example [3] which could be one of several factors in determining other life choices.

The idea however that ADHD as a sole risk factor for adverse outcomes such as law enforcement contact does not exist in some sort of social vacuum is an important one to come from data such as that presented by van der Maas et al. It is perhaps the issue of 'vulnerability' that comes to the forefront, and how an ADHD diagnosis should perhaps be explored with that tenet in mind...

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[1] van der Maas M. et al. Examining the effect of social bonds on the relationship between ADHD and past arrest in a representative sample of adults. Crim Behav Ment Health. 2017 Jul 5.

[2] Berryessa CM. Attention, reward, and inhibition: symptomatic features of ADHD and issues for offenders in the criminal justice system. Atten Defic Hyperact Disord. 2017 Mar;9(1):5-10.

[3] Lu Y. et al. Association Between Medication Use and Performance on Higher Education Entrance Tests in Individuals With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. JAMA Psychiatry. 2017 Jun 28.

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Thursday, 13 July 2017

"a potential link between serious delinquency and later schizophrenia"

I was rather intrigued by the results reported by Nina Lindberg and colleagues [1] in their study designed to "investigate if serious delinquency was associated with future diagnoses of schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder (here, broadly defined schizophrenia) among a nationwide consecutive sample of 15- to 19-year-old Finnish delinquents sent for a forensic psychiatric examination in 1989-2010."

I hadn't previously come across research directly linking delinquency - serious delinquency - with later schizophrenia diagnosis despite noting other research talking about other labels being potentially related to the extreme results of delinquency (see here) and onward some of those labels being potential risk factors for something like schizophrenia (see here).

Looking at the records of "313 delinquents with no past or current psychotic disorder" and around 1200 age- and sex-matched non-delinquents whose details were also held on a central population registry, researchers followed them all "[un]till death, emigration or the end of 2015, whichever occurred first." The results put delinquents as a group at quite a bit more risk of subsequently being diagnosed with schizophrenia than non-delinquents (12% vs. ~1% respectively). The authors conclude that their results "supports the previous research indicating a potential link between serious delinquency and later schizophrenia" and that more investigation is needed into the hows-and-whys of such a relationship.

Having already mentioned the slightly more indirect link between attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and risk of offending behaviour (minus any sweeping generalisations) and ADHD and risk of schizophrenia, there could be lessons to be learned about the link between serious delinquency and schizophrenia. Also, minus further generalisations, I'm also wondering if some of the 'habits' perhaps more readily observed in delinquents (e.g. illicit drug use) could potentially be additional risk factors for a diagnosis of schizophrenia [2]. Minus any psycho-babble explanations, the rise and rise of scientific evidence pointing to various psychosocial factors as also being risk factors for schizophrenia [3] may additionally come into play, together with an understanding that elements of the parental home also may play a key role in cases of delinquency [4]. In short, there are several potentially important areas that could provide key research directions in this intriguing area.

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[1] Lindberg N. et al. Serious delinquency and later schizophrenia: A nationwide register-based follow-up study of Finnish pretrial 15- to 19-year-old offenders sent for a forensic psychiatric examination. Eur Psychiatry. 2017 May 15;44:173-178.

[2] Marconi A. et al. Meta-analysis of the Association Between the Level of Cannabis Use and Risk of Psychosis. Schizophr Bull. 2016 Sep;42(5):1262-9

[3] Larsson S. et al. High prevalence of childhood trauma in patients with schizophrenia spectrum and affective disorder. Compr Psychiatry. 2013 Feb;54(2):123-7.

[4] Fernández-Suárez A. et al. Risk Factors for School Dropout in a Sample of Juvenile Offenders. Front Psychol. 2016 Dec 26;7:1993.

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Thursday, 29 June 2017

'Vulnerability' to radicalisation and autism or autistic traits: tread carefully


I was more than a little hesitant to post this entry given the sensitivity of the material it covers. I opted to publish this post because peer-reviewed science is peer-reviewed science...

In a recent piece for The Conversation, Dr Clare Allely asked a very difficult but potentially important question: "Are autistic people at greater risk of being radicalised?"

Based on her own research [1] and in light of several high profile cases where an autism diagnosis has been mentioned in the same breath as various terrorist-related offences, some with a potential radicalisation element to them (see here and see here) it is indeed timely that such a question is posed.

This is a sensitive area. Yes, I very much appreciate that people commit crimes, not their diagnostic labels (see here) and sweeping generalisations are not required, but "it is crucial to consider how the diagnosis of autism may have presented as a contextual vulnerability" when it comes to such issues.

There are various sensitivities to consider before it comes to even examining any possible link between vulnerability to radicalisation and autism or autistic traits. One needs only look at the effects of years and years of sweeping generalisations about schizophrenia and 'dangerousness' for example (see here) to see how stigma can build up quickly and how damaging it can be on a personal and societal level. Science and clinical practice need to tread very carefully indeed, whilst also not shying away from any uncomfortable results.

The Allely piece for the The Conversation touches however on several important points pertinent to the idea that 'vulnerability' to radicalisation may be perhaps elevated in relation to a diagnosis of autism for various reasons. I've stressed the word 'vulnerability' for several reasons...

First off, use of the word 'vulnerable' - "unable to take care of him or herself, or unable to protect him or herself against significant harm or exploitation" - in the context of autism is, I think, under-used. I don't say that in any 'pity me' fashion but rather that many people on the autism spectrum are/should be classed as 'vulnerable' despite any [typically sweeping] notions about being 'high' or 'low' functioning or other description of their positioning on the autism spectrum. There are several other examples of this vulnerability in action in the peer-reviewed literature [2] and indeed, autistic commentators have themselves noted various other scenarios (see here) specifically where enhanced victim risk of coercion and bullying is part and parcel of such vulnerability. With such vulnerability comes inevitable heightened risks for all manner of potential adverse outcomes.

Dr Allely also talks about how: "Searching for a “need to matter” or social connection and support for someone who is alienated or without friends may also present as risk factors" when it comes to enhanced risk for radicalisation. I think again, this may be something of an important point when it comes to parts of the autism spectrum. The idea for example, that those on the autism spectrum do not want (or need) friends is an unfortunate side-effect of years and years of further sweeping generalisations when it comes to trying to define the spectrum. The whole 'lacking in empathy' thing (myth?) has, I think, played a big part in perpetuating the idea that difficulties in forming relationships with peers for example, has sometimes been misinterpreted as not wanting relationships with others. Obviously one has to guard against making counter sweeping generalisations that everyone with autism wants lots and lots of friends around them all of the time, but what seems to be true is that autistic people do in the most part want significant others around them at certain points and want the benefits that friendships and belonging bring under their own terms. The vacuum created by not belonging to a social circle or not having that 'need to matter' to others is something faced by at least some on the autism spectrum and could therefore be considered a risk factor for vulnerability to issues like radicalisation especially when others with an ulterior motive come forward with a seemingly welcoming face and message. Indeed, one might also see evidence of this when one talks about hacking or cyber-terrorism in the context of a diagnosis of autism...

"Autistic special interests such as fantasy, obsessiveness (extreme compulsiveness), the need for routine/predictability and social/communication difficulties can all increase the vulnerability of an person with ASD [autism spectrum disorder] to going down the pathway to terrorism." I'm not in total agreement with everything said in that sentence but some of it could ring true. As difficult as this may be to face, forensic examination of cases where autism has been cited alongside terrorist activities has noted obsessions in particular, to be a potentially important variable. As a case in point: "The court heard Smith had been interested in making bombs since the age of 10 and said it was "something to do when he was bored"". A long interest in 'making bombs' at any age is not something typical; let alone when starting such an interest as a 10-year old. The source of such interests is likely to be complex but, with all the media attention paid these days to terrorism and talk of the objects of terrorism and the like easily found on the internet and other media, it's not difficult to find a context for why someone might become utterly engrossed and/or obsessed with such material for years and years.

What's missing from the Allely article? Well, I'd like to see quite a few more resources dedicated to the idea that comorbidity around a diagnosis of autism might also play an important role in both risk of radicalisation and any onward decisions to actually implement acts of terrorism. Again, minus sweeping generalisations or passing the buck from one label to another, quite a few diagnostic labels with a psychiatric element to them do seem to be over-represented when it comes to autism (see here) and services are not necessarily suited to picking them up or managing them for everyone (see here). This applies particularly to those conditions characterised by an altered sense of reality (see here) - I assume, a potentially important point for some when it comes to for example, transitioning from ideas to acts.

Another issue that ties in with some factors already mentioned is the idea that "everyday young people in social transition, on the margins of society, or amidst a crisis of identity" may be over-represented among some parts of radicalised terrorism. Minus any psychobabble, it wouldn't be difficult to fit some on the autism spectrum into some of those categories on the basis for example, of being marginalised or being 'amidst a crisis of identity'. Obviously one could argue that such issues are not autism-specific; quite a few young (and old) people probably feel disenfranchised particularly in today's modern society and hence a diagnosis of autism per se is not the defining variable. But again, we come back to that issue of vulnerability...

Reiterating that any talk about a link between autism and vulnerability to radicalisation in the context of terrorism is fraught with difficulties and risks, there is a need for further scientific investigation into this area. Radicalisation is a complicated process (see here); the risk of which is not something that can be just laid at the door of labels like autism or autistic traits. One needs to be mindful not to stigmatise whole swathes of the population on the basis of a few, very high-profile cases. Yes, people want quick and easy answers to the questions of 'how and why' but I doubt there are any simple or universal answers to issues such as radicalisation and further.

The fact however, that the Allely article was published at all highlights how this issue is starting to come into the public consciousness. If indeed some of the facets of autism or the issues created by a diagnosis of autism are found to be a variable in some cases of radicalisation and beyond, resources aplenty need to be poured into what can be done to educate against and mitigate any excess risk both inside and outside the context of a diagnosis of autism or autistic traits. All this however needs to be done carefully minus further stigmatisation and any scaremongering (that includes sensationalised newspaper headlines) but always realising that science should not being afraid to try and find answers to difficult questions in as many different quarters as are required.

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[1] Faccini L. & Allely CS. Rare instances of individuals with autism supporting or engaging in terrorism. Journal of Intellectual Disabilities and Offending Behaviour. 2017; 8: 70-82.

[2] Brown-Lavoie SM. et al. Sexual knowledge and victimization in adults with autism spectrum disorders. J Autism Dev Disord. 2014 Sep;44(9):2185-96.

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Wednesday, 10 May 2017

Conviction for violence and autism: comorbidity counts

I tread carefully when discussing the results published by Ragini Heeramun and colleagues [1] on the topic of "whether autism is associated with convictions for violent crimes" and "the associated risk and protective factors." Carefully because, as I've indicated on other occasions (see here), people commit crimes not labels, and sweeping generalisations about labels, specific types of crime and/or the concept of 'dangerousness' tend to do very little to help anyone in the long term.

Still, I do think it is important that issues such as offending in the context of autism spectrum disorder (ASD) are not brushed under the carpet. I say this bearing in mind that a few high profile cases where autism has been mentioned alongside have been highlighted in the media recently here in Blighty (see here and see here). Indeed, in these days of cyber-terrorism linked to extremism for example, I'd like to see quite a bit more scientific investigation into the ways of protecting those on the autism spectrum from being lured into such activities alongside studies on the possible hows-and-whys of people entering into such behaviours.

Heeramun et al relied on data from the Stockholm Youth Cohort where some 5,700 participants had a recorded ASD diagnosis. Data was cross-referenced with that from the Swedish National Crime Register to ascertain how many people were charged with offences where violence was a factor. Comparing those with autism with those with not-autism, researchers concluded that: "Individuals with autism, particularly those without intellectual disability, initially appeared to have a higher risk of violent offending." They do temper that finding with the observation that "these associations markedly attenuated after co-occurring attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) or conduct disorder were taken into account" suggesting that comorbidity might count. Indeed, this data tallies with other independent findings suggesting that a range of 'adverse' life events can be a significant feature of ADHD and conduct disorder in the long-term (see here) and for example, that autism and ADHD in the prison population should considered (see here).

Alongside, authors talked about how various other factors might also influence risk of violent offending ("parental criminal and psychiatric history and socioeconomic characteristics") and importantly, how: "Better school performance and intellectual disability appeared to be protective." That intellectual (learning) disability accompanying autism seems to be protective against conviction for a violent crime with autism in mind is probably due in part to the increased supervision given to such individuals. This is a point that has been raised in previous peer-reviewed research too (see here).

The take-away messages are once again, sweeping generalisations about all autism being *linked to* violent crime are not needed and that comorbidity might count (as it seems to on many occasions) when it comes to variables being linked to autism (see here for another example). As with such crime in the general population, there are a myriad of often quite individual factors contributing to such behaviours, but alongside: "Better understanding and management of comorbid psychopathology in autism may potentially help preventive action against offending behaviors in people with autism."

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[1] Heeramun R. et al. Autism and Convictions for Violent Crimes: Population-Based Cohort Study in Sweden. JAACAP. 2017. April 3.

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ResearchBlogging.org Heeramun, R., Magnusson, C., Gumpert, C., Granath, S., Lundberg, M., Dalman, C., & Rai, D. (2017). Autism and Convictions for Violent Crimes: Population-Based Cohort Study in Sweden Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry DOI: 10.1016/j.jaac.2017.03.011

Tuesday, 7 February 2017

Psychiatric disorders among male juvenile detainees in South Korea

"Juvenile detainees evidence high rates of psychiatric disorders and comorbidities. Assessment of and intervention in psychiatric disorders, especially alcohol use disorder and comorbid alcohol use disorder with disruptive behavior disorders, may help prevent further offenses."

So concluded Johanna Inhyang Kim and colleagues [1] (open-access) following their investigation into the prevalence of DSM-IV psychiatric criteria in a sample of 173 male juvenile detainees aged between 15-19 years old held at a "male juvenile detention center in Seoul, South Korea, during the period of December 2015 to January 2016." Most of the detainees were held in relation to crimes against property (49%) but violent crimes (39%), traffic offences (24%) and sexual offences (19%) also featured in offending patterns.

The presence of a psychiatric diagnosis was made using the Mini International Neuropsychiatric Interview (MINI) screening for various groups of disorders: disruptive behavioural disorders (DBDs), substance use disorder (SUD) and "any anxiety disorder." Researchers also looked for the presence of psychotic disorder and major depression too, alongside collecting various demographic data and information about recidivism (repeat offending).

Results: "In total, 157 (90.8%) participants had at least one psychiatric diagnosis" is the standout figure from the paper compared with other independent data from this part of the world "of 15–38% among the general adolescent population.Alcohol use disorder was the most frequently mentioned label mentioned in the study, but 'comorbidity seems to be the rule' as we are told that: "Alcohol use disorder with DBDs was the most common combination, accounting for 46.2% of the detainees, followed by DBDs with anxiety disorders (22.5%)."

When it came to the important issue of repeat offending, researchers also report some interesting patterns. Dropping out of school, present in about a quarter of the total cohort, was reported to be a factor in relation to recidivism (present in about 90% of detainees). The presence of two psychiatric disorders also showed a notable connection to repeat offending particularly where an alcohol use disorder was one of them. The message seems to be that keeping kids/young adults in school and away from alcohol might be an important combination in relation to affecting repeat offending rates.

There is quite a lot of other data included in the Kim study and I would encourage interested parties to take a more detailed look. One thing that struck me about the Kim data was the apparent lack of results when it came to attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in relation to offending and repeat offending outcomes. Minus any sweeping generalisations, I've talked before on this blog about how a diagnosis of ADHD might elevate the risk of contact with law enforcement agencies (see here) for whatever reason(s) and how a combination of ADHD and conduct disorder in particular, might be tied into a range of long-term adverse outcomes including 'risk of criminality' (see here). Kim and colleagues paint a slightly different clinical picture whereby a different combination of psychiatric factors might be specifically related to this group of people in this part of the world.

More investigations are implied including reference to what potential nutritional changes might do to [some] behaviour in this population (see here).

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[1] Kim JI. et al. Prevalence of psychiatric disorders, comorbidity patterns, and repeat offending among male juvenile detainees in South Korea: a cross-sectional study. Child Adolesc Psychiatry Ment Health. 2017 Jan 18;11:6.

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ResearchBlogging.org Kim JI, Kim B, Kim BN, Hong SB, Lee DW, Chung JY, Choi JY, Choi BS, Oh YR, & Youn M (2017). Prevalence of psychiatric disorders, comorbidity patterns, and repeat offending among male juvenile detainees in South Korea: a cross-sectional study. Child and adolescent psychiatry and mental health, 11 PMID: 28115987

Monday, 15 August 2016

Offending behaviour and ADHD

"Although some associations between ADHD [attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder] and offending may be accounted for by co-morbidity with substance use disorders, early onset of offending and repeated violent offending appear to be directly related to ADHD."

That was the conclusion reached by Jan Román-Ithier and colleagues [1] reporting on their study designed to "examine correlates of childhood ADHD symptoms among prisoners." Based on a sample adult prison population (N=1179) where self-reported "retrospective measures of ADHD and a diagnostic interview for substance use disorders" were coupled with data on offending behaviour(s), researchers reported that there may be more to see when it comes to self-reported ADHD and offending behaviour not necessarily just due to substance abuse. Indeed: "Self-reported ADHD was associated with age of first arrest, a number of violent and non-violent offences and re-offending."

Of course you'd be right if you highlighted a few methodological issues with the current data insofar as the use of self-report and indeed, retrospective self-report when it comes to ADHD or ADHD-type symptoms. I might even throw in the idea that feigning ADHD is not something unheard of in the peer-reviewed literature either (see here) bearing in mind one might expect some special treatment or accommodation for prisoners who might meet diagnostic thresholds. There is more [controlled] research to be done in this area for sure.

But set within the idea that there may be something of an over-representation of ADHD in the prison population (see here), the Román-Ithier results add further weight to the idea that screening (including preferential screening for some) and treating ADHD early in life might be something to seriously think about from a population health and wellbeing perspective. Yes, one has to be careful about sweeping generalisations when it comes to ADHD and 'adverse outcomes' (see here) including the idea that ADHD persistence might not be uniform [2] and I don't doubt that some might be slightly adverse to the idea of some of the currently indicated treatment measure for ADHD when it comes to medication for example (see here). But as with many things in life, the pros and cons of tackling such issues need to be weighed up on an individual basis assuming for example, that a life of offending and re-offending is probably not to be helpful to anyone. I might also throw the findings by Chorniya & Kitashimab [3] into this post and how substance abuse disorder and other 'risky behaviours' might also decline as and when ADHD is appropriately managed.

And outside of just pharmacotherapy for ADHD, there are other management options to potentially consider (see here and see here and see here for example)...

To close, fair-dos to Gary Lineker...

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[1] Román-Ithier JC. et al. Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder symptoms, type of offending and recidivism in a prison population: The role of substance dependence. Crim Behav Ment Health. 2016 Jul 26.

[2] McAuley T. et al. Clinical, Sociobiological, and Cognitive Predictors of ADHD Persistence in Children Followed Prospectively Over Time. J Abnorm Child Psychol. 2016 Jul 29.

[3] Chorniya A. & Kitashimab L. Sex, drugs, and ADHD: The effects of ADHD pharmacological treatment on teens' risky behaviors. Labour Economics. 2016. July 5.

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ResearchBlogging.org Román-Ithier, J., González, R., Vélez-Pastrana, M., González-Tejera, G., & Albizu-García, C. (2016). Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder symptoms, type of offending and recidivism in a prison population: The role of substance dependence Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health DOI: 10.1002/cbm.2009

Friday, 30 October 2015

People commit crimes not their clinical labels

"Oregon Killer’s Mother Wrote of Troubled Son and Gun Rights" and "The Myth of the ‘Autistic Shooter’".

Those were just two of the headlines that I read recently about the tragedy that rocked the town of Roseburg in the United States and the inevitable attempts to understand such a senseless act.

Accepting that our thoughts and prayers should focus on the those murdered, and the long and painful journey that now faces families and loved ones (including that of the perpetrator's family), mention of the autism spectrum as 'potentially' being part and parcel of the killer's 'profile' is something that perhaps requires some science-based discussion. I appreciate that significant emotions come into such tragic stories as per previous instances and the question of 'why', but this is a blog about science and autism. I'm gonna stick to the available peer-reviewed literature specifically on the topic of autism and offending without hopefully sounding too cold nor too dispassionate.

I think it is worth going over a few things first for any newcomers straying across this post.

First, a few sentences about autism and/or the autism spectrum. Clinically, autism describes a developmental disorder that variably affects communication and social interactions (social affect) among other things. Alongside a heightened risk for various comorbidity - psychological and somatic - a diagnosis on the autism spectrum is both "profound and pervasive" in terms of impact on a person's life. For some that means a lifetime of round-the-clock care; for others, sometimes wrongly labelled as 'high-functioning', it can mean struggling with even mundane daily activities, not made any easier by societal attitudes and stereotypes and often accompanied by a lack of appropriate social and healthcare support. Although not wishing to paint too bleak a picture, the increased rates of suicide ideation (see here) and even requests for euthanasia (see here) for example, can represent the extremes of the struggles faced by people on the autism spectrum. I might also add that the 'lack of social and healthcare support' sentence previously mentioned similarly extends to quite a few families caring for people with autism too.

Next, although a diagnosis of autism does not provide immunity against offending behaviour, people with autism are far more likely to be a victim of crime over and above a perpetrator. Indeed, some of the traits associated with autism mean that many people on the spectrum are uniquely vulnerable to issues such as bullying (see here for the most recent research review), harassment or sometimes worse. Such traits can also lead to some people on the autism spectrum being drawn into criminality or committing criminal acts without fully comprehending the intentions of their accomplices and/or understanding the gravity of their actions. I hasten to add that such 'naivety' (if I can call it that) is likely multi-factorial in terms of the hows and whys; sometimes moderated by associated learning difficulties for example, and other times not.

OK. I hope that clears up a few things. The other point I want to make is that whilst the label of autism describes some of the behaviours of a person, I personally don't subscribe to the view that autism does (or should) define a person, in the same way that the labels of depression and anxiety or even schizophrenia don't define people. In this context, the important point is that 'people commit crimes not their clinical labels'. Keep that in mind as I continue.

Accepting that at the time of writing this post, we don't have all the details (or confirmation of of all the details) about whether indeed the killer "struggled with Asperger’s syndrome, an autism spectrum disorder" or not, there is some science on this topic in relation to such extreme offending behaviour.

Although making uncomfortable reading, I want to start with the paper by Clare Allely and colleagues [1] (open-access) which garnered quite a bit of media attention when it was first published back in 2014 on the basis of a suggestion that "a significant proportion of mass or serial killers may have had neurodevelopmental disorders such as autism spectrum disorder or head injury." Retrospectively looking at several accounts of mass or serial killers, the authors concluded that there was some evidence that "in at least some cases, neurodevelopmental problems such as ASD [autism spectrum disorder] or head injury may interact in a complex interplay with psychosocial factors to produce these very adverse outcomes." I can remember various reactions to this paper when it saw the light of day; quite a few rooted in the fear that sweeping generalisations would ensue and similar to the historical situation in schizophrenia, all autism would be generalised and equated with dangerousness.

As it turns out that didn't happen. Indeed, I actually thought the Allely paper made some important points in their review. They didn't, for example, say that every serial or mass killer 'had autism', indeed not even close: "we are able to say that probably more than 10% of serial/mass killers have ASD and a similar proportion have had a head injury." With the estimated rates of autism these days (1 in 46 according to some reports), one can perhaps see how that percentage might cover at least some of what would be expected in the general population anyway.

What Allely et al did observe is: (a) that "serial and mass killings are rare" and (b) that: "The gaps in our understanding about the actual mechanisms of development toward these most negative of outcomes are enormous." Further: "the great majority of those with ASD or head injury had also experienced psychosocial risk factors such as parental divorce, physical or sexual abuse, and major surgery during childhood." That last point might tie in with some of the details coming out of the Roseburg tragedy, although with the important provisos that (i) correlation is not necessarily the same as causation and that (ii) sweeping generalisation is usually the mother of all mistakes.

Continuing the theme of other factors/variables occurring alongside autism as also being potentially important to instances of offending behaviour are the findings reported by Newman & Ghaziuddin [2]. Surveying some of the scientific literature on the topic of violent crime specifically in relation to Asperger syndrome, the authors concluded that some 30% of cases were accompanied by "a definite psychiatric disorder" and a further 50% had a "probable psychiatric disorder at the time of committing the crime."

This research reiterates the idea that autism, some autism, offers little in the way of protection when it comes to risk of other psychopathology occurring alongside. Screening for such comorbidity should be much more of a priority than it currently is. Without hopefully shifting blame between labels - remember people commit crimes not their labels - there is a body of research emerging suggesting that issues such as psychosis for example, may show a complicated relationship with some autism. I've covered this topic a few times on this blog (see here and see here) particularly where the manifestation(s) of psychosis has led to a subsequent diagnosis on the autism spectrum. Psychosis by the way, is characterised by disrupted perception and/or interpretation of the world around. Although by no means a universal relationship, there is some evidence that particularly in first-episode psychosis, homicide rates may be heightened [3]. That all being said, I will also draw your attention to the systematic review from King & Murphy [4] on offending profiles with autism in mind which reported: "poor evidence of the presence of comorbid psychiatric diagnoses (except in mental health settings) amongst offenders with ASD."

Moving on, and the paper by Helverschou and colleagues [5] provides some further potentially important details about such offending profiles in individuals diagnosed with an ASD. So; "Unlike most others who commit criminal acts, the majority of the individuals with autism spectrum disorder in this study showed no evidence of substance abuse, had a close relationship to their victims and were willing to confess to the accused crime." Further: "in most cases, autism spectrum disorder characteristics, such as idiosyncratic comprehensions and obsessions appeared to be related to the motive for the offence."

Focusing specifically on substance abuse, this is something of a common thread in many discussions about offending profiles and psychiatry. In a recent post, I talked about some quite large-scale population research that suggested there may an intricate relationship between something like attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and future risk of psychosis and/or schizophrenia. Specifically, discussions turned to how substance abuse may be one or several factors 'priming' ADHD for later psychopathology and onwards where substance abuse might fit in relation to violent crime [6] in this group. It is a complicated relationship and difficult to summarise in a few words, but the idea that substance abuse may intersect with psychiatry and violent behaviour is the key tenet.

Alongside substance abuse, I would also draw your attention to some more general science literature on various prescription medicines that have been associated with violent behaviour [7]. Moore et al surveyed the US FDA Adverse Event Reporting System (AERS) with a view to "any case report indicating homicide, homicidal ideation, physical assault, physical abuse or violence related symptoms." They found a few possible 'associations' which were reported in the mainstream media (see here) overlapping with some pharmacotherapy that might also be indicated for some aspects of autism. At the time of writing, we don't know the specific medical history of the Roseburg perpetrator nor whether illicit or prescription medication was a part of his recent clinical picture. We also don't know whether specific medicines were being withheld or any associated circumstances around compliance.

Finally, I'm going to carefully introduce the paper by O'Nions and colleagues [8] into the conversation, and some potentially pertinent discussions about a label called Pathological Demand Avoidance (PDA). PDA is an interesting diagnostic concept insofar as being described as a feature of the autism spectrum but at the time of writing, not actually being formally included in any of the standardised diagnostic texts. O'Nions et al report how most of their group with PDA met criteria for ASD yet demonstrated some important differences from more classical descriptions of autism: "this high scoring group was characterised by lack of co-operation, use of apparently manipulative behaviour, socially shocking behaviour, difficulties with other people, anxiety and sudden behavioural changes from loving to aggression." Without any further shifting of blame between labels intended (people, not labels) or indeed casting aspersions, further investigations are required on any longer-term 'correlates' of a diagnosis of PDA specifically with offending in mind. That such a diagnosis may also border on other psychopathology [9] including "anti-social traits approaching those seen in the conduct problems and callous-unemotional traits group" taps into the continuing theme of comorbidity covered a few paragraphs back.

There is other peer-reviewed literature on this topic but I'd like to think that the selected studies provide the best evidence that we have so far when it comes to what is known or suspected about offending behaviour overlapping with a label on the autism spectrum. Hopefully what you can see from the collected literature is that offending behaviour is complicated in instances where autism is mentioned; indeed, as complicated as it is when autism is not mentioned.

No-one will ever know exactly why the Roseburg killer did what he did and what were the precise circumstances around this heinous crime. It is likely however that lots of variables coincided including the ideas of notoriety and possibly a sort of 'contagion' combining with seemingly easy access to weapons. The research evidence so far on this topic tells us that any role played by a label on or off the autism spectrum is likely to be a tangled one and certainly not one working in any sort of isolation [10]. Subsequent sweeping generalisations therefore about all autism and 'dangerousness' are probably inaccurate and most certainly offer little in the way of usefulness or comfort for anyone: victims, their families or the wider autism community. Indeed perhaps only serving to wrongly stigmatise an already heavily stigmatised group as per other examples where clinical labels have been mentioned alongside murder.

What such a tragic event does however highlight is that there is a continued need for science to investigate the precipitating factors around their occurrence - biological, medical, familial, social, political - and where possible, offer evidence-based ways and means of intervening and potentially averting such extreme acts. Although of little comfort to those families and communities that have lost loved ones in such a manner, forensic analysis of the perpetrators (including those who were stopped) remains a primary tool in discerning clinical profiles and circumstances in such cases; mindful however of how sweeping generalisations can often do more harm than good [11] and also being careful not to feed any publicity that sometimes accompanies such cases.

To close, I leave you with a ray of light from the tragedy, and the story of Chris Mintz: "a father to a young boy with autism" hailed as hero.

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[1] Allely CS. et al. Neurodevelopmental and psychosocial risk factors in serial killers and mass murderers. Aggression and Violent Behavior. 2014; 19: 288-301.

[2] Newman SS. & Ghaziuddin M. Violent crime in Asperger syndrome: the role of psychiatric comorbidity. J Autism Dev Disord. 2008 Nov;38(10):1848-52.

[3] Nielssen O. & Large M. Rates of homicide during the first episode of psychosis and after treatment: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Schizophr Bull. 2010 Jul;36(4):702-12.

[4] King C. & Murphy GH. A systematic review of people with autism spectrum disorder and the criminal justice system. J Autism Dev Disord. 2014 Nov;44(11):2717-33.

[5] Helverschou SB. et al. Offending profiles of individuals with autism spectrum disorder: A study of all individuals with autism spectrum disorder examined by the forensic psychiatric service in Norway between 2000 and 2010. Autism. 2015 Oct;19(7):850-8.

[6] Fazel S. et al. Schizophrenia, substance abuse, and violent crime. JAMA. 2009 May 20;301(19):2016-23.

[7] Moore TJ. et al. Prescription Drugs Associated with Reports of Violence Towards Others. PLoS ONE 2010; 5(12): e15337.

[8] O'Nions E. et al. Identifying features of 'pathological demand avoidance' using the Diagnostic Interview for Social and Communication Disorders (DISCO). Eur Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2015 Jul 30.

[9] O'Nions E. et al. Pathological demand avoidance: exploring the behavioural profile. Autism. 2014 Jul;18(5):538-44.

[10] Søndenaa E. et al. Violence and sexual offending behavior in people with autism spectrum disorder who have undergone a psychiatric forensic examination. Psychol Rep. 2014 Aug;115(1):32-43.

[11] Metzl JM. & MacLeish KT. Mental Illness, Mass Shootings, and the Politics of American Firearms. American Journal of Public Health. 2015; 105: 240-249.

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ResearchBlogging.org Newman, S., & Ghaziuddin, M. (2008). Violent Crime in Asperger Syndrome: The Role of Psychiatric Comorbidity Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 38 (10), 1848-1852 DOI: 10.1007/s10803-008-0580-8




ResearchBlogging.org King C, & Murphy GH (2014). A systematic review of people with autism spectrum disorder and the criminal justice system. Journal of autism and developmental disorders, 44 (11), 2717-33 PMID: 24577785