"two in five young people scoring above thresholds for emotional problems, conduct problems or hyperactivity"

The quote titling this post - "two in five young people scoring above thresholds for emotional problems, conduct problems or hyperactivity" - comes from the eye-opening findings published by Jessica Deighton and colleagues [1] (open-access available here).

It's based on a study of over 28,000 adolescents here in Blighty: "51.2% of whom were in Year 7 (age 11–12) and 48.8% of whom were in Year 9 (age 13–14) in 97 state-maintained secondary schools across six geographical locations in England."

Said young people were given the "child self-report Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ)" to complete, and the received data were analysed alongside other information collected by the authors "from the National Pupil Database: SEN status; FSM eligibility; child in need status (CIN, this is a child who either (a) is unlikely to achieve/maintain a reasonable standard of health and development without local authority provision; (b) is likely to be impaired without local authority provision; or (c) is disabled); and ethnicity (Asian, Black, Chinese, Mixed, White or any other ethnic group)."

In more detail: "18.4% scored above the abnormal threshold for emotional symptoms, 18.5% for conduct problems, 25.3% for inattention/hyperactivity and 7.3% for peer-relationship problems." Going back to the title of this post, researchers mention how "around two in five young people scoring above ‘abnormal’ thresholds for three of the four problem areas measured (emotional problems, conduct problems and hyperactivity)." They also observed that:

• SEN - special educational needs - status played a role in those figures (those with SEN were consistently more likely to provide an above-threshold response to all the areas measured, particularly peer-relationship problems). 
• Entitlement to free school meals (FSM), a potential marker of deprivation, was also associated with an above-threshold response to all areas.
• "Being male significantly increased the odds of scoring above threshold for behavioural problems and inattention/hyperactivity, whereas being female significantly increased the odds of experiencing emotional symptoms."

There are caveats attached to the Deighton findings; not least the sole reliance on "child self-report data from a very brief assessment tool" without any accompanying further analysis on the presence (or not) of diagnosable psychopathology. But, in the context of the large participant number included for study and that most adolescents aren't likely to 'lie' about their positive responses to items such as "I get very angry and often lose my temper" or "I take things that are not mine from home, school or elsewhere" I'd be inclined to view the Deighton findings as a pretty accurate representation of their 'in the thousands' cohort.

So where next? Well, if we're talking about findings observing that "42.5% scored above threshold for any one of the first three problem scales (emotional symptoms, conduct problems or inattention/hyperactivity)" we have to talk about what services are in place (and should be in place) to support this large group. This, on the basis that, such 'problems' can potentially lead to various other 'adverse' outcomes both in later childhood and beyond. And when I talk about 'support', I mean both support and intervention to help those young adults to manage such issues. All of this set in the context of a continually squeezed financial and resource position (at least here in Blighty).

The other question has to be 'why'? Why have so many young people reported as they have? Deighton et al talk about various factors as potentially being important: "the impact of austerity, increasing experience of academic pressures, reduced rates of sleep and increased use of social media", to a large extent talking about the social environment as playing a significant role. I don't doubt that these external factors and other related variables will play a role in how young people are reporting, but I'm not convinced that the social environment is the only important factor to consider. It's not, for example, beyond the realms of possibility that other genetic and non-genetic variables (i.e. in the physical environment) could also play a role; something I say in the context of a 'growth' in the number of children and young adults being diagnosed with all-manner of different behavioural and/or psychiatric labels (see here and see here for examples).

Something important seems to be going on with our young people (see here and see here). We have to assume that such an issue is not going to resolve itself and may even increase in terms of numbers as time goes on. We really need to find out what factors are behind this and start taking action... like now.

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[1] Deighton J. et al. Prevalence of mental health problems in schools: poverty and other risk factors among 28 000 adolescents in England. Br J Psychiatry. 2019 Jan 30:1-3.

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"Fatigue, fluctuation and payback were described by all adolescents with CFS/ME in this study"

The quote titling this post - "Fatigue, fluctuation and payback were described by all adolescents with CFS/ME in this study" - comes from the findings reported by Roxanne Parslow and colleagues [1] during their study designed "to explore outcomes important in paediatric chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalopathy (CFS/ME) and what improvements in fatigue and disability are key."

Indeed, this latest study seems to follow a theme of looking at the personal experiences of CFS/ME [2] by members of this authorship team, potentially onward to the development of a PROM (Patient Reported Outcome Measure) [3] specifically with children and adolescents in mind. If this was a goal, I wondered if perhaps this *could* also be linked to some other work from some of the Parslow paper authors that has also been previously discussed on this blog too (see here)?

I specifically wanted to talk about this paper because of the word 'payback' and it's particular use to mean an "increase in fatigue and symptoms following activity." Mentioning it only twice in their article (one of those occasions being the use of a reference), I think the authors mean post-exertional malaise (PEM) (see here and see here for more discussion of this concept). They however, seemed a little reluctant to use that term. In answering one of the reviewers of their paper prior to acceptance for publication, the authors did say: "Payback is defined as a core symptom in NHS guidance, and is used in the clinical setting." They also clarified how "the term ‘payback’ was used instead of exhaustion."

No mind, based on interviews with "21 adolescents and their parents (20 mothers and 2 fathers)", most adolescents being female with a mean age of around 14 years, several key themes emerged. To reiterate: "All adolescents with CFS/ME report fatigue, a natural fluctuation of the condition, as well as an increase in fatigue and symptoms after activity (payback)." Several sub-themes also emerged from such reporting including how: "Adolescents and parents reflected on how CFS/ME naturally fluctuates" and "Adolescents and parents recognised patterns of good and bad days" and "Adolescents were limited in the amount of time they could spend on activities, which ranged from minutes, ‘5 min’ to hours, ‘an hour at the most’." These aren't exactly novel findings by any means but it's always useful to see them described in the peer-reviewed research domain.

Heading back to that 'payback' issue, researchers mention how their results are "consistent with previous research where children described the intensity of symptoms fluctuating as well as ‘overextension’ making it worse, resulting in ‘paying the price’." Accepting that such payback or PEM or 'payback exhaustion resulting in fatigue and other symptoms following activity' if you prefer, is widely present in CFS/ME (albeit individual and 'variable' in nature), one might see the Parslow results perhaps as further justification for being slightly critical of the use of something like graded exercise therapy (GET) in relation to CFS/ME (see here). GET relies on the assumption that increasing or grading in physical activity will eventually 'help' facets of CFS/ME. Unfortunately, whilst still expounded in some circles, there is accumulating (peer-reviewed) evidence that many patients with CFS/ME experience GET as more of a hindrance rather than a help for their symptoms (see here). Indeed, allied to terms like 'deconditioning' as part of suite of 'psychobabble' that seems to have enveloped CFS/ME down the years, the idea that CFS/ME is something that can be just 'exercised out of' seems to have been a truly damaging policy that has not seemingly served many patients particularly well.

The Parslow findings are revealing and add something further to the idea that an overhaul of current thinking on CFS/ME in children and adults is perhaps required (see here). Obviously the results are small-scale and require some follow-up, but listening to patients and their parents/caregivers and their collected experiences is a good idea in my book; particularly when it comes to a group of conditions like CFS/ME that have seen more than their fair share of 'assumptions' down the years.

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[1] Parslow RM. et al. Adolescent’s descriptions of fatigue, fluctuation and payback in chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalopathy (CFS/ME): interviews with adolescents and parents. BMJ Paediatr Open. 2018;2(1):e000281.

[2] Parslow RM. et al. Children's experiences of chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis (CFS/ME): a systematic review and meta-ethnography of qualitative studies. BMJ Open. 2017 Jan 13;7(1):e012633.

[3] Parslow RM. et al. Important factors to consider when treating children with chronic fatigue syndrome/myalgic encephalomyelitis (CFS/ME): perspectives of health professionals from specialist services. BMC Pediatr. 2017 Feb 1;17(1):43.

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