Showing posts with label Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ). Show all posts
Showing posts with label Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ). Show all posts

Monday, 22 April 2019

"less than half of participants mentioned autism in their identity descriptions"

One important point to make about the findings reported by Lily Cresswell & Eilidh Cage [1] is the participant number. It was small; including only 24 young people "recruited through mainstream secondary schools in London, UK" who were diagnosed with an autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and who were asked to participate in a study examining "the relationships between identity, acculturation and mental health in autistic adolescents." Small participant numbers means one has to be quite careful about making sweeping generalisations.

If that study aim - identity, acculturation and mental health - sounds a little bit like psychobabble to you, the long-and-short of it was to look-see whether there was a possible link between how young autistic people / people with autism see themselves ("the way a person understands and views him or herself, and is often viewed by others") and their self-reported mental health; also including the concept of 'autistic culture' into the research mix.

OK, first things first: autistic culture. From what I read, it kinda sits somewhere around the idea of 'neurodiversity' (see here) with culture defined as "a system of meanings through which people organise and make sense of their lives." The addition of the word 'autistic' to culture therefore means "building a culture around the ways of speaking, thinking, and acting that come naturally to autistic people." The authors liken autistic culture to deaf culture "with both being supportive communities focused on the distinctive issues and experiences related to being autistic or deaf." Noble intentions on both counts.

Study participants were given the Twenty Statements Task (TST) - "a measure used to assess how individuals define themselves using their own words" - and the Autism Identity Scale (AIS) which "looks at whether an individual aligns more to an autistic or non-autistic culture." Responses to these instruments and to the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) were captured and analysed.

Results: I should point out that the AIS used in this study is not exactly what one would call a 'mainstream' instrument. Indeed, the reference for it's development and use comes from a doctoral thesis which, as far as I can see, is the only reference at the present time. The authors talk about responses on the AIS being use to rank participants into one of four groups: "Marginalised (alignment to non-autistic culture)... Bicultural (alignment to both cultures)... Assimilated (alignment to neither culture)... and Separated (alignment to autistic culture)." I'm not altogether sure but I think some of those groupings and their descriptions mentioned by Cresswell/Cage might not be exactly the same as that talked about in the thesis from Jarrett (see page 20 of the thesis). The AIS by the way, purports to measure both "autistic (AIS1) and non-autistic (AIS2) acculturation."

Cresswell/Cage observed that: "Average scores on the AIS2 were higher than the AIS1, indicating autistic adolescents typically felt more aligned to non-autistic, than autistic, culture." Minus any sweeping generalisations, this meant that participants as a group were typically more inclined towards statements like "I feel that I fit in with other people who do not have autism" and "I would prefer my education to be at a school with and without people with autism" over and above "Being autistic is an important part of who I am" and "I would prefer my closest friend(s) to have autism." Again, I reiterate that no sweeping generalisations are to be made from such findings on the basis of such a small participant group. Also added to those alignment findings, researchers observed some potentially important connections to SDQ scores used as a proxy for self-reported mental health and wellbeing. Specifically that the "lowest scores [on the SDQ] were found in those who aligned themselves only non-to autistic culture (assimilated; n = 7)." This *could* be translated to mean that self-reported mental health and wellbeing was marginally better for those who identified with a specific culture and, in particular, non-autistic culture.

I kinda get the impression that the results garnered during this study weren't exactly what the authors were expecting. Indeed, as I've mentioned before on this blog, there is 'slant' towards the whole neurodiversity angle in other research from some of the authors of this study (see here and see here) which would have probably benefited from different results being observed on this most recent research occasion. Credit is therefore due to the authors for publishing their findings. The inclusion of phrases such as: "These findings suggest autistic adolescents should be encouraged to explore autistic culture and supported in constructing their identity" included in the paper poses a bit of a quandary because that's not entirely what the resultant data implied. I've seen similar things particularly where neurodiversity has been mentioned in the context of autism before (see here). Indeed when we are also told that "less than half of participants mentioned autism in their identity descriptions", one interpretation is that many participants see/saw themselves as so much more than the sum of a clinical diagnosis they've received at some point. I daresay others will have alternative explanations for such findings.

More study is required on this topic. More study around the issue of 'belonging' in the context of autism, and the potential 'positives' that belonging brings (see here), is something that stands out from the Cresswell/Cage findings. Insofar as the concept of autistic culture, well, we'll have to see. Much like the term 'autistic community' (see here) used on more than one occasion, the inference is that there's some universal 'one-size-fits-all' ethos that everyone on the autism spectrum should be adhering too. The reality however, is some much more varied and complicated, bearing in mind the oft-used phrase: if you've met one autistic person, you've met one person with autism (or words to that effect). Yes, people should be proud of themselves. Everyone should have a sense of self-worth, achievement and that word again, belonging. But as per the small scale results from Cresswell/Cage, that pride and identity does not necessarily have to mean aligning oneself according to the receipt of a clinical diagnosis...

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[1] Cresswell L. & Cage E. ‘Who Am I?’: An Exploratory Study of the Relationships Between Identity, Acculturation and Mental Health in Autistic Adolescents. J Autism Dev Disord. 2019. April 19.

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Wednesday, 27 February 2019

"two in five young people scoring above thresholds for emotional problems, conduct problems or hyperactivity"

The quote titling this post - "two in five young people scoring above thresholds for emotional problems, conduct problems or hyperactivity" - comes from the eye-opening findings published by Jessica Deighton and colleagues [1] (open-access available here).

It's based on a study of over 28,000 adolescents here in Blighty: "51.2% of whom were in Year 7 (age 11–12) and 48.8% of whom were in Year 9 (age 13–14) in 97 state-maintained secondary schools across six geographical locations in England."

Said young people were given the "child self-report Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ)" to complete, and the received data were analysed alongside other information collected by the authors "from the National Pupil Database: SEN status; FSM eligibility; child in need status (CIN, this is a child who either (a) is unlikely to achieve/maintain a reasonable standard of health and development without local authority provision; (b) is likely to be impaired without local authority provision; or (c) is disabled); and ethnicity (Asian, Black, Chinese, Mixed, White or any other ethnic group)."

In more detail: "18.4% scored above the abnormal threshold for emotional symptoms, 18.5% for conduct problems, 25.3% for inattention/hyperactivity and 7.3% for peer-relationship problems." Going back to the title of this post, researchers mention how "around two in five young people scoring above ‘abnormal’ thresholds for three of the four problem areas measured (emotional problems, conduct problems and hyperactivity)." They also observed that:

  • SEN - special educational needs - status played a role in those figures (those with SEN were consistently more likely to provide an above-threshold response to all the areas measured, particularly peer-relationship problems). 
  • Entitlement to free school meals (FSM), a potential marker of deprivation, was also associated with an above-threshold response to all areas.
  • "Being male significantly increased the odds of scoring above threshold for behavioural problems and inattention/hyperactivity, whereas being female significantly increased the odds of experiencing emotional symptoms."

There are caveats attached to the Deighton findings; not least the sole reliance on "child self-report data from a very brief assessment tool" without any accompanying further analysis on the presence (or not) of diagnosable psychopathology. But, in the context of the large participant number included for study and that most adolescents aren't likely to 'lie' about their positive responses to items such as "I get very angry and often lose my temper" or "I take things that are not mine from home, school or elsewhere" I'd be inclined to view the Deighton findings as a pretty accurate representation of their 'in the thousands' cohort.

So where next? Well, if we're talking about findings observing that "42.5% scored above threshold for any one of the first three problem scales (emotional symptoms, conduct problems or inattention/hyperactivity)" we have to talk about what services are in place (and should be in place) to support this large group. This, on the basis that, such 'problems' can potentially lead to various other 'adverse' outcomes both in later childhood and beyond. And when I talk about 'support', I mean both support and intervention to help those young adults to manage such issues. All of this set in the context of a continually squeezed financial and resource position (at least here in Blighty).

The other question has to be 'why'? Why have so many young people reported as they have? Deighton et al talk about various factors as potentially being important: "the impact of austerity, increasing experience of academic pressures, reduced rates of sleep and increased use of social media", to a large extent talking about the social environment as playing a significant role. I don't doubt that these external factors and other related variables will play a role in how young people are reporting, but I'm not convinced that the social environment is the only important factor to consider. It's not, for example, beyond the realms of possibility that other genetic and non-genetic variables (i.e. in the physical environment) could also play a role; something I say in the context of a 'growth' in the number of children and young adults being diagnosed with all-manner of different behavioural and/or psychiatric labels (see here and see here for examples).

Something important seems to be going on with our young people (see here and see here). We have to assume that such an issue is not going to resolve itself and may even increase in terms of numbers as time goes on. We really need to find out what factors are behind this and start taking action... like now.

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[1] Deighton J. et al. Prevalence of mental health problems in schools: poverty and other risk factors among 28 000 adolescents in England. Br J Psychiatry. 2019 Jan 30:1-3.

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