Showing posts with label austerity. Show all posts
Showing posts with label austerity. Show all posts

Tuesday, 21 November 2017

"Spending constraints" a.k.a austerity and a mortality gap?

I try not to be too political on this blog given the focus on peer-reviewed science and my notable lack of political interest or motivation. It is however difficult to completely separate science and politics from each other given the world that we live in. A world that still commonly uses the term 'austerity' quite a few years after 'the crisis', alongside a realisation that behind headlines on the continued drive(s) towards 'fiscal security' and 'balancing the books' there are inevitably going to be winners and losers.

The paper by Jonathan Watkins and colleagues [1] highlights some of the extreme 'not winners' potentially stemming from the "relative constraints in public expenditure on healthcare (PEH) and social care (PES)" here in Blighty over recent years. They concluded that: "Spending constraints between 2010 and 2014 were associated with an estimated 45 368 (95% CI 34 530 to 56 206) higher than expected number of deaths compared with pre-2010 trends." Further, that if current trends continue in relation to funding "approximately 150 000 additional deaths may arise between 2015 and 2020." Cue the sharp intake of breath as words such as 'economic murder' have been banded around in the popular press discussing this research (see here).

I'm not going to go into all the details of the Watkins findings on this occasion. The data for the study was derived from various public databases in relation to population mortality, spending on health and social care and related variables. I don't doubt that as per other debates on the 'weekend effect' for example, different people with different mindsets might arrive at different conclusions based on such data. 'Lies, damn lies and statistics' is a phrase that springs to mind. With my very rudimentary reading and understanding of the Watkins data, I can't however see any obvious flaws in their methods or logic behind their results; aside that is from remembering that correlation does not always equal causation. Others have voiced similar sentiments (see here).

"By setting, deaths at care homes and at home contributed most to the observed ‘mortality gap’, while hospital mortality was lower than expected." The authors specifically attribute such data to the gap between spending on social care vs. spending on health care; also noting that "the recent drive to move patients with poor prognoses and who have reached their ceiling of care away from the hospital environment to care homes or their own homes may have contributed to this." One interpretation of this is that those who are elderly and/or vulnerable placed outside of the hospital environment are perhaps disproportionately being burdened with the effects of austerity.  And one possible solution? Well: "Our study suggests that the number of NHS-qualified nurses is the strongest tested mediator of the relationships between spending, and care home and home mortality." One solution but not the only solution.

With a UK budget announcement set for later this week, I wonder if the Watkins findings might figure in relation to the suggestion that "a cumulative spending increase of approximately £25.3 billion would be required to close this gap across health and social care by 2020/2021, equating to around £6.3 billion annually." Yes, those are some quite staggering sums of money, but at the end of day what is to be valued more: balancing the books or plugging quite a significant mortality gap? (and even some of our elected officials seem to be interested in this debate).

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[1] Watkins J. et al. Effects of health and social care spending constraints on mortality in England: a time trend analysis. BMJ Open 2017;7:e017722.

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Thursday, 24 March 2016

Sickness and disability benefit and mental illness in the UK

"Mental disorders have become the most common cause of receiving benefits, with the number of claimants rising by 103% from 1995 to 1.1 million in 2014. Claimants with other conditions fell by 35%."

The findings reported by Sebastião Viola & Joanna Moncrieff [1] (open-access) provide stark evidence of both how prevalent mental illness is these days, and the financial implications of such illness to both the individual and more generally society.

Set within the context of some pretty inflammatory language being used to describe those claiming benefits (see here) and the continued saga that is austerity in the UK (see here), I would hope that the Viola/Moncrieff results might serve to further illustrate the increasing parity (of esteem) between physical illness and mental illness insofar as the burden they can both inflict. For too long now, the focus on physical health has perhaps been at the expense of mental health (see here). I'd also hope that such findings might also serve to help 'de-stigmatise' some of the circumstances leading someone to claim for such benefits.

Drawing on data "from the Department for Work and Pensions [DWP] regarding numbers of claimants of all sickness and disability-related benefits in England, Scotland and Wales" (UK), researchers looked at the 'significant' causes for claims recorded. For those not familiar with the UK welfare system, some background can be found here. Taking into account how the benefits system has changed somewhat over recent years, researchers reported on various trends noted from the data including those related to long-term benefit claims (more than 5 years) and claims according to age, gender and regional distribution.

Results: the general trend in claiming sickness benefit was one of a decline between 1995 and 2014. When however, breaking down the statistics according to "causal categories of medical condition" the authors reported that 'mental disorders' were by far, the most common cause of claims awarded: "rising by 103.4% over the period examined to over a million in 2014 (from 571 600 in 1995 to 1 136 360 in 2014)." Claims based on the previous most common category - musculoskeletal disorders - dropped by about 40% over the same period. The authors note: "By 2014, almost half of claimants were claiming benefits for a mental disorder, up from 21.4% in 1995 to 46.5%."

Analysis of long-term claimants also showed a similar trend insofar as the impact of mental illness. So: "Numbers of long-term claimants for mental disorders rose by 87.4% from 346 770 in 2000 to 649 990 in 2011 and numbers with all other conditions rose by only 0.79% (from 826 910 to 833 480)." Trends by gender (sex) suggested an equalisation between males and females. The authors also noted some geographic changes in the data: "The proportion of mental disorder claims was highest in London and southern regions in 1995, and in Scotland in 2014." Interestingly too: "areas traditionally associated with industrial decline, such as Wales, the North East and the North West, did not show particularly high proportions of mental disorder claims compared with other areas."

Drilling down into the details of what constituted a 'mental illness', the authors reveal some interesting trends in relation to claims. Depression or depressive disorder is consistently shown to be the most frequent 'category of disorder' (circling around the 40% mark of total mental illness claimants for 1999 and 2014). Anxiety and related conditions is the second most frequently cited category; between them and depression capturing 65-75% of the total claims with mental disorders mentioned. The authors also make an interesting point about claims appearing under the category of 'learning disability' including "Pervasive Developmental Disorder" (PDD). Although the total number of claims increased in this category - ~87,000 in 1999 and ~125,000 in 2014 - there was only a small change registered as a percentage of the 'total mental disorder claimants' between the years. I know some people might um-and-ah about the descriptors used to code PDD and other developmental disorders (including use of the words 'mental retardation' in the same category) but those are the codings specifically used by the DWP not my own.

Viola & Moncrieff provide some important discussions about their findings and the context they are presented in. The ideas, for example, that "regions of high unemployment and economic inactivity" or "the recent economic recession" somehow correlate with claims for state benefits as a result of mental illness don't generally hold true on the basis of the presented data. I would however soften those words by pointing out that austerity may very well exert a psychiatric toll on a person if one accepts that the quite alarming suicide statistics we've seen recently (see here) are not solely down to just social factors.

"Evidence from the UK suggests a modest increase in the reported prevalence of common mental disorders since the early 1990s, but this is not large enough to account for the increase in disability claims, and may represent increasing recognition and identification of such disorders as much as their actual occurrence." With this statement, the authors tap into how stigma associated with mental health problems might be decreasing, as more people feel comfortable talking to others about their issues and how this might be reflected in the claimant figures. They also take a bit of a jab at the 'effectiveness' of pharmacotherapy used to treat/manage such mental health issues: "The increasing use of all types of drugs for mental disorders, and especially antidepressants, in England since the 1990s does not appear to have ameliorated the rising trends in disability claims for these conditions." I'll say nothing more on this point.

The final words of this rather long post are reserved for what potentially might impact on disability benefit claims in the context of mental health issues, specifically with employment in mind. The authors note that "the provision of suitable employment opportunities where health and mental health-related limitations are accommodated" might be one model to look to with further research required. I'd agree that a caring workplace should be an important part of the strategy to reduce the numbers of claimants and provide the various positive opportunities that accompany work. I am however a little cautious about any 'one-size-fits-all' approach to accomplishing this, as lessons from specific labels covered by the Viola/Moncrieff paper come to mind (see here). And on the topic of employment and autism, I might also divert your attention to a much needed piece on why we perhaps shouldn't get too excited about 'autism employment initiatives' just yet (see here)...

Finally, although not wishing to mix science and politics too much, the recent news that a certain gentleman (quiet man?) has quit his post here in Blighty because of "pressure to make cuts to disability benefits" seems to be oddly relevant to discussions today.

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[1] Viola S. & Moncrieff J. Claims for sickness and disability benefits owing to mental disorders in the UK: trends from 1995 to 2014. British Journal of Psychiatry Open. 2016; 2: 18-24.

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ResearchBlogging.org Viola, S., & Moncrieff, J. (2016). Claims for sickness and disability benefits owing to mental disorders in the UK: trends from 1995 to 2014 British Journal of Psychiatry Open, 2 (1), 18-24 DOI: 10.1192/bjpo.bp.115.002246

Saturday, 19 March 2016

What can 'big data' tell us about suicide-related behaviours?

The findings reported by Yu-Wen Lin and colleagues [1] (open-access available here) examining the "characteristics and suicide methods of patients with suicide-related behaviors" and "influential factors for repeated suicide-related behaviors and death by suicide" might not make for 'great dinner-party conversation' but are nevertheless important.

Drawing on data from one of the world's premier 'big data' research sources - the Taiwanese National Health Insurance Research Database (NHIRD) - mentioned quite a few times on this blog (see here for example), researchers scanned the database for instances where people were "hospitalized with a code indicating suicide or self-inflicted injury (E950-E959) according to the International Classification of Disease, Ninth Revision, Clinical Modification" between 1997 and 2010. They then set about looking at various factors associated with this patient population (N=57,874).

With the cold, objective spectacles of science on, various important findings are discussed. Approximately 4% of those hospitalised for suicide-related behaviours had unfortunately died. Most were male and most "had died in their first suicide attempt." The most frequently cited method of suicide was self-poisoning.

Analysis by gender revealed some important trends. Males were more likely to die by suicide but females were at "significantly increased odds of repeated suicide-related behaviors when compared with men." Further: "Those who were female, had been hospitalized for suicide-related behaviors at a younger age, had a low income, had a psychiatric disorder (i.e., personality disorder, major depressive disorder, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, alcohol-related disorder, or adjustment disorder), had a catastrophic illness, or had been hospitalized for suicide-related behaviors that involved two methods of self-inflicted injury had a higher risk of hospitalization for repeated suicide-related behaviors." And factors for males: "had been hospitalized for suicide-related behaviors at an older age, had low income, had schizophrenia, showed repeated suicide-related behaviors, had a catastrophic illness, or had adopted a single lethal method had an increased risk of death by suicide." I might also add that the experience of being hospitalised for suicide-related behaviours at a young age also increased the risk for subsequent "repeated suicide-related behaviors."

There are some important trends emerging from this and other data. Perhaps one of the most important variables was the suggestion that a psychiatric disorder seemed to be part and parcel of that risk profile, whether for suicide-related behaviours or death by suicide. I know this is not new news but does well to reiterate how effective treatment/management of psychiatric labels should remain an absolute priority. I'd also encourage greater screening and assessment [2] among populations who might be particularly vulnerable to mental health issues too (see here for example - particularly timely in light of recent media reports).

The finding that self-poisoning was the primary method of suicide-related behaviour and completed suicides also ties in with other independent data. Accepting that one cannot control every single agent that might be used for self-poisoning, I do believe there are additional measures that can be taken. So, as per the data on the use of paracetamol as a method of suicide (which is by the way, a really horrible way to die), there are ways and means to potentially reduce risk [3] particularly when overdose is an 'impulsive' decision. One might even argue that removing such medicines from the OTC bracket might also help despite the inconvenience to other users. I suppose it depends on how much value you place on life vs. inconvenience or the use of additional resources. I'd also direct readers to some important discussions on another self-poisoning method quite frequently discussed in the research literature: pesticides (see here).  As per the findings reported by Gunnell and colleagues [4], there are solutions here too: "(a) the use of pesticides most toxic to humans was restricted, (b) pesticides could be safely stored in rural communities, and (c) the accessibility and quality of care for poisoning could be improved."

As I've discussed previously on this blog, suicide (whether attempted or completed) is a very personal thing (see here) with no magical 'one-size-fits-all' formula of what to look for in terms of risk profile or indeed, how to help. That there may however be some rough-and-ready factors generally associated with cases is a start in terms of focusing on those who might need most help, including that when it comes to the engineering of social policy [5].

And just in case you need it, there is always someone to talk to (see here).

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[1] Lin YW. et al. Influential Factors for and Outcomes of Hospitalized Patients with Suicide-Related Behaviors: A National Record Study in Taiwan from 1997-2010. PLoS One. 2016 Feb 22;11(2):e0149559.

[2] Murray D. Is it time to abandon suicide risk assessment? British Journal of Psychiatry Open. 2016; 2: e1-e2.

[3] Simkin S. et al. What can be done to reduce mortality from paracetamol overdoses? A patient interview study. QJM. 2012 Jan;105(1):41-51.

[4] Gunnell D. et al. The global distribution of fatal pesticide self-poisoning: systematic review. BMC Public Health. 2007 Dec 21;7:357.

[5] Antonakakis N. & Collins A. The impact of fiscal austerity on suicide: On the empirics of a modern Greek tragedy. Social Science & Medicine. 2014; 112: 39-50.

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ResearchBlogging.org Lin YW, Huang HC, Lin MF, Shyu ML, Tsai PL, & Chang HJ (2016). Influential Factors for and Outcomes of Hospitalized Patients with Suicide-Related Behaviors: A National Record Study in Taiwan from 1997-2010. PloS one, 11 (2) PMID: 26900930

Saturday, 16 May 2015

Poverty affects autism + ADHD?

A brief post for you today to bring to your attention the paper by Eirini Flouri and colleagues [1] who suggested that although socio-economic disadvantage (SED) was probably not a risk factor for autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) when comorbid, "it was associated with elevated emotional problems among children with ASD + ADHD."

Based on data derived from "209 children with ASD who took part in the UK's Millennium Cohort Study", an initiative that has appeared on this blog before (see here), researchers examined developmental trajectories across ages 3, 5 and 7 years. Aside from observing a possible detrimental effect from SED on aspects of ASD + ADHD, they also reported that ASD + ADHD seemed to be associated with a consistently 'high trajectory' when it came to conduct issues compared with those with ASD only.

Continuing the ideas that (a) autism appearing alongside ADHD (or should that be the other way around) is not an uncommon situation (see here), and (b) said association potentially increases the risk of various other issues coming about (see here), the suggestion that SED might impact on the presentation of autism + ADHD is an important one. Other work from this group [2] had hinted that family poverty may be one factor "associated with broad and specific (emotional and conduct problems) psychopathology" in the context of autism. I say this acknowledging that poverty has a range of effects when it comes to autism including the potential timing of diagnosis [3].

Other, independent work, has not been so quick to drop the idea that poverty and deprivation may be a risk factor for autism [4] or at least, referral rates for autism (and on more than one occasion [5]) so I'd perhaps be a little guarded about removing this aspect from the autism + ADHD grouping altogether at the present time. The next question then needs to be how, in these times of continued austerity, can society deliver something that might mitigate the impact of autism + ADHD?

Music: Morrissey - Everyday Is Like Sunday.

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[1] Flouri E. et al. Poverty and the Growth of Emotional and Conduct Problems in Children with Autism With and Without Comorbid ADHD. J Autism Dev Disord. 2015 Apr 25.

[2] Midouhas E. et al. Psychopathology trajectories of children with autism spectrum disorder: the role of family poverty and parenting. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry. 2013 Oct;52(10):1057-1065.e1.

[3] Mandell DS. et al. Age of diagnosis among Medicaid-enrolled children with autism, 2001-2004. Psychiatr Serv. 2010 Aug;61(8):822-9.

[4] Campbell M. et al. Autism in Glasgow: cumulative incidence and the effects of referral age, deprivation and geographical location. Child Care Health Dev. 2013 Sep;39(5):688-94.

[5] Li X. et al. Neighborhood deprivation and childhood autism: a nationwide study from Sweden. J Psychiatr Res. 2014 Jun;53:187-92.

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ResearchBlogging.org Flouri E, Midouhas E, Charman T, & Sarmadi Z (2015). Poverty and the Growth of Emotional and Conduct Problems in Children with Autism With and Without Comorbid ADHD. Journal of autism and developmental disorders PMID: 25911306